http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewCategory.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63 a7e67a254a96445bb975674bd1d1511b Storia delle scelte di fondo della vita della leader birmana AUNG SAN SUU KYI 2008-03-16T19:13:50.4900000+01:00 AUNG SAN SUU KYI: LA SIGNORA DI UNIVERSITY AVENUE. di Cecilia Brighi Credo sinceramente che tutti i popoli e le religioni possano coesistere in pace, che qualsiasi sia la nostra origine o la nostra religione, possiamo tutti imparare a concordare su alcuni valori fondamentali essenziali per lo sviluppo della società umana [1] Prigioniera nella propria casa Gennaio 2006. Nella grande casa di University Avenue, considerata da molti come la Casa Bianca o il Cremlino birmano, stava scendendo la notte, mentre la Reuter lanciava la notizia, che la giunta militare birmana aveva esteso per altri dodici mesi gli arresti domiciliari al Premio Nobel per la Pace Aung San Suu Ky. Arresti domiciliari strettissimi, senza eccezioni. In tutto ormai erano 10 gli anni di prigionia, seppur non in carcere ma nella sua casa. Altri dodici mesi completamente isolata dal mondo e soprattutto dalla sua gente. Una reclusione rigorosa, senza alcuna concessione al fatto che, nonostante tutto lei è, e rimane la figlia del padre della patria. La figlia dell’uomo che aveva osato opporsi agli inglesi e che aveva ottenuto l’indipendenza del paese dal dominio inglese. La figlia dell’uomo venerato da tutti i birmani. Solo due persone, controllate e perquisite sia in entrata che in uscita dalla vecchia casa, potevano continuare a vederla. Una volta a settimana il suo medico personale e la signora delle pulizie, che poteva entrare in questa prigione senza sbarre, per sistemare le ormai pochissime cose rimaste in quella grande casa e portare il cibo. La casa di suo padre e di sua madre, circondata da sbarramenti e filo spinato, controllata giorno e notte da agenti dei servizi, ripiombò di nuovo nel suo impalpabile silenzio. Un silenzio avvolgente, lungo anni e protetto dal grande giardino, pieno di gigli fioriti, di frangipane e di gelsomini profumati, il fiore preferito di Suu Kyi, che non mancava mai di appuntarsi sui capelli o dietro l’orecchio. Un giardino silenzioso affacciato sul lago piatto, che, almeno per un lato fa sembrare la casa libera dai controlli costanti dei militari. Una sensazione di quasi libertà, in una casa ormai quasi del tutto vuota. I mobili di famiglia, che rappresentavano i giorni dei giochi, degli affetti, della tranquillità, i ricordi, erano stai venduti nel corso degli anni di reclusione, per pagare le spese della sopravvivenza. Lei non aveva mai accettato nulla, neanche il cibo dai militari. Anche il vecchio piano, che lei amava suonare nei lungi pomeriggi pieni di silenzio, si era arreso. Si era rotto e non aveva potuto farlo riparare. In genere lei si alzava prima dell’alba, quando l’aria è ancora soffice e fresca e anche il prato intorno alla casa era ancora bagnato dalla rugiada notturna. Suu Kyi amava molto alzarsi a quell’ora e non smetteva di commuoversi all’idea che il mondo in quei momenti fosse fragile, docile, in attesa di essere svegliato dalla luce del nuovo giorno, che lentamente saliva da dietro l’ orizzonte [2]. In genere quella era anche l’ora in cui nell’ autunno del 1988, prima di essere messa agli arresti domiciliari[3], usciva di casa e partiva per raggiungere al mattino presto le città, dove era solita tenere comizi o riunioni. Amava alzarsi prima del giorno, quando tutto e tutti dormivano, perché questo era il tempo giusto per la meditazione. Un ora senza tempo di concentrazione su se stessa, sull’universo e sul nulla. Poi, con un programma rigoroso,che si era data nei lunghi anni di isolamento, ascoltava alla radio le notizie della BBC, Voice of America e le notizie della BBC in birmano. Quando ci riusciva ed era fortunata ascoltava anche Democratic Voice of Burma, ma purtroppo le interferenze erano molte e non sempre riusciva a sentire tutte le notizie sulle attività della dissidenza birmana nel mondo. La radio, unico grande e costante collegamento con il mondo. È vero che in alcuni periodi le erano state concesse delle visite di diplomatici o di giornalisti, ma ormai questo era solo un ricordo. Ora era obbligata a stare sola con se stessa, con i suoi libri, con la sua quotidianità e soprattutto con i suoi pensieri. Finalmente faceva un bagno e poi una colazione. Il resto del giorno era scandito dalle letture, dallo studio, dalle passeggiate intorno alla casa o dall’ascolto o dal suonare un po’ di musica. Certo quando c’era il piano era un piacere immenso volare via con la mente e lasciare che le dita delle mani si rincorressero veloci sulla tastiera. Ora le era rimasta solo una chitarra, che il figlio più piccolo le aveva regalato e che le aveva insegnato a suonare, non certo bene come il piano. Ciò nonostante la casa si riempiva di quella musica, quella casa ormai vuota. In fondo, lei si era andata convincendo che i mobili non servono a molto, soprattutto a chi conduce una esistenza semplice, essenziale, tutta concentrata sull’ esercizio della mente e del corpo, per coltivare la forza dello spirito ed il coraggio. La vera ricchezza di una donna. Così, le sarebbe toccato un altro lungo anno senza poter fare nulla per il suo paese se non esistere e resistere, come simbolo di una opposizione coraggiosa e diffusa e spesso sconosciuta al mondo. Lei, consapevole del significato di questa terribile novità, era scesa in giardino a guardare, come spesso faceva, la luce del giorno che si andava via via sfumando. Il cielo perdeva la sua forza e lentamente cominciava a confondersi con i colori del lago, alleggerendosi con il passare dei minuti. Prima color cipria e poi sempre più rosa, rosso, viola, grigio. Le ombre degli alberi cominciavano ad allungarsi verso il lago e verso una notte, che sarebbe stata rischiarata dalla luna. Sembrava che anche i tronchi stessero cercando la libertà e stessero cercando di tuffarsi nel grande lago, liberi. Ombre tranquille, scure e silenziose, non nemiche. Tenere testa a una dittatura senza odio e con determinazione e dolcezza Fuori dal cancello i militari sonnecchiavano, a guardia della casa, circondata da garritte e da filo spinato che ormai la giunta produceva in tal quantità tanto da esportarlo. I suoi carcerieri erano tranquilli, tanto sapevano che nulla sarebbe cambiato né dentro, né fuori. Nonostante tutte le difficoltà e i lunghi anni di reclusione lei, “la Signora”, così viene chiamata da tutti, era rimasta la stessa. Una grande determinazione, ma nessun odio nei confronti dei suoi aguzzini. Disse una volta ad un giornalista. Non ho mai imparato ad odiarli. Se lo avessi fatto sarei stata veramente in loro balia. Ho sempre sentito che se avessi veramente cominciato ad odiare i miei carcerieri, ad odiare lo SLORC[4] e l’esercito, avrei sconfitto me stessa. Ciò mi fa venire in mente un altro intervistatore, che non credeva che tutti quegli anni agli arresti domiciliari non mi avessero impaurito. Pensava, allora che dovevo essere pietrificata. L’ho trovato un atteggiamento strano. Perché avrei dovuto essere impaurita? Se fossi stata cosi impaurita, avrei fatto i bagagli e sarei partita, perché loro, mi avrebbero sempre dato la possibilità di andarmene. Non sono così sicura che un buddista mi avrebbe posto questa domanda. I buddisti, in generale, sanno che l’isolamento non è qualcosa di cui aver paura. La gente mi chiede perché non avevo paura di loro. Era perché non sapevo che loro potevano farmi tutto quello che volevano? Certo che lo sapevo! Io credo che fosse perché non li odiavo e una persona non può essere veramente spaventata da coloro che non odia. L’odio e la paura vanno a braccetto”[5] E questa sua determinazione, questa sua immensa e ferma tranquillità che forse, al contrario rendeva sempre più irritati i generali. Purtroppo questa dura decisione della giunta non fu sufficientemente amplificata dai giornali internazionali. Le vicende medio orientali, la guerra in Iraq facevano sicuramente più notizia che non il fatto che una donna, sola, senza armi, continuasse a tenere testa ad una intera dittatura. Sessanta anni appena compiuti, piccola. Si muove come un gatto, dolcemente ed in modo elegante nella sua casa. La donna che sfida il regime militare più repressivo al mondo, resa ancora più minuta dalla durezza degli arresti, dalla scarsità di risorse, dalla poca salute, e dalla dieta obbligata dalle ristrettezze finanziarie, ha mantenuto intatti i suoi talenti: determinazione e dolcezza. Era nata alla fine della guerra, il 19 giugno del 45, una guerra che per i birmani, però ancora non era finita. L’indipendenza dall’impero inglese venne raggiunta grazie alla determinazione del suo giovanissimo padre: Aung San, l’ architetto della indipendenza. Egli aveva sposato Daw Khin Kyi, una giovane insegnante ed infermiera, da cui aveva avuto due figli maschi. Ma entrambi i genitori, avrebbero voluto anche una bambina e quando finalmente nacque, Aung San provò una grandissima emozione. Lei era minuta e bellissima, il visino di porcellana, spuntava allegro dal letto di coltri bianche e leggere su cui era adagiata, protetta da una altrettanto candida zanzariera. Volle metterle il nome di Suu, che in birmano vuol dire, “regalo” . Aung San Suu Kyi significava pertanto, regalo di Aung San a sua moglie Kyi. Aung San, il negoziatore dell’indipendenza, a soli 32 anni, aveva costituito l’esercito birmano e nell’aprile del 47, vinto le elezioni ottenendo un successo strepitoso per il suo partito, la Lega Antifascista per la Libertà del Popolo[6] conquistando 248 dei 255 seggi dell’Assemblea Nazionale e stava portando il paese verso l’indipendenza e la democrazia. Mancavano solo pochi mesi dal passaggio di consegne, che avrebbero sancito definitivamente la totale autonomia dalla Gran Bretagna e dal Commonwealth, quando il sogno collettivo venne interrotto bruscamente e violentemente il 19 luglio di quell’anno. Nel corso di una riunione di gabinetto, il padre della patria venne infatti assassinato in un attentato, insieme ai suoi compagni di governo. Anni difficili ed esilio Cominciarono gli anni difficili per Suu Kyi e per la Birmania. Tredici anni dopo, la madre di Suu Kyi venne nominata Ambasciatrice in India. La lunga lontananza dalla Birmania aveva permesso alla famiglia, sebbene solo in parte, di non assistere alla veloce involuzione del suo paese. Una giovane democrazia, divisa dalle lotte interne tra etnie e fazioni politiche che divenne facile preda dei militari, della miseria, della repressione e della emarginazione internazionale. Il 2 marzo del 1962 il generale Ne Win, noto per la sua violenza e le sue fissazioni astrologiche aveva preso il potere arrestando l’allora presidente del consiglio del governo democratico e tutti i suoi ministri e insediando al loro posto il Consiglio Rivoluzionario. Nacque il manifesto ideologico su cui si fondava la nuova dittatura: La via Birmana al Socialismo. Venne anche costituito il Partito Per il Programma Socialista Birmano (BPSPP) e senza perdere tempo, i militari, presero di mira il movimento degli studenti, assaltarono e facendo saltare in aria la loro storica sede all’Università di Rangoon e lasciarono in terra decine e decine di morti. Sarebbero stati i primi di una lunghissima lista di morti, lista che non si è mai interrotta nel corso degli anni. Suu Kyi, si spostò ad Oxford, dove continuò a studiare filosofia, politica ed economia. I giovani di mezzo mondo cominciavano a scendere in piazza contro la guerra nel Vietnam, contro il bigottismo, la morale tradizionale e il 1968 alle porte, avrebbe rivoluzionato il modo di vivere e di pensare di una intera generazione. Suu Kyi, guardava con attenzione a questi grandi cambiamenti e piena di apprensione ascoltava le notizie dal suo paese, con la certezza che sarebbe venuto il tempo nel quale avrebbe dovuto recuperare l’eredità politica del padre. La sua passione per la storia asiatica fu l’occasione per incontrare l’uomo che avrebbe sposato e con cui avrebbe diviso molti anni della sua vita, molte passioni e anche straordinari dolori. Michael Aris studioso di Tibet non poteva non condividere, con Suu Kyi, la passione e gli studi sull’Asia. Sebbene gli studi, il lavoro e l’amore l’avessero portata lontano dal suo paese, Suu Kyi era convinta però, nel profondo del cuore, che il destino l’avrebbe riportata tra la sua gente. Una evenienza che, probabilmente, cercava di negare anche a se stessa, ma che aleggiava nella sua quotidianità. Sapeva che prima o poi avrebbe dovuto tornare a Rangoon, tanto che prima del matrimonio aveva scritto al futuro marito un appello molto premonitore: Ti chiedo solo una cosa. Se il mio popolo avesse bisogno di me, tu mi dovrai aiutare a fare il mio dovere. Quanto questo sia probabile non lo so, ma questa possibilità esiste. Suu Kyi non avrebbe mai rinunciato all’eredità politica di suo padre. Lei aspettava solo il momento. E gli anni passavano con questo non detto. Ogni anno Suu Kyi tornava in Birmania a far visita alla sua anziana madre. A volte portava con se anche i suoi due figli, a cui, per ribadire la sua doppia appartenenza, avevano dato un doppio nome: uno birmano e uno inglese. I sogni di suo padre, che ipotizzava una grande e solida democrazia, uno stato federale e multietnico si erano infranti contro la violenta repressione della dittatura. Un paese impoverito ed impaurito. Un paese in carcere. Una repressione violenta e costante. Suu Kyi guardava al suo paese con grande tristezza, fino a quando, come aveva profetizzato e scritto al suo amore prima di sposarsi, il destino si realizzò . Una protesta nonviolenta, dopo ventisei anni di repressione Era il 1988. l’anno drammatico della sanguinosa repressione militare che fece migliaia di vittime innocenti. Sua madre aveva avuto un infarto e la sua vita era appesa ad un filo. Suu Kyi tornò subito a Rangoon. La grande casa era piena di tristezza. Tutti sapevano che la anziana signora li avrebbe lasciati tra breve. Molti parenti e amici continuavano a venire in visita, a chiedere notizie e a salutare il ritorno sfortunato di Suu Kyi. Molte di queste visite avevano anche un secondo scopo. Tastare il terreno, parlare sommessamente dei terribili avvenimenti che stavano funestando il paese intero. Un paese che aveva bisogno di una scossa e soprattutto di un leader, giovane ed in grado di parlare al cuore dei birmani, per ridargli speranza. Il giorno più duro era stato l’8 agosto 1988, giorno nel quale alle ore 8 e 8 minuti, i lavoratori del porto di Rangoon invasero le strade della città. La protesta si divampò immediatamente. Una data scelta soprattutto dal movimento degli studenti per il suo significato divinatorio:8.8.88. In Birmania infatti, la superstizione, la numerologia e l’astrologia hanno sempre giocato un ruolo importantissimo, tanto che il sanguinario generale Ne Win, il cui nome significava “Brillante come il sole”, essendo profondamente superstizioso, aveva scelto come numero fortunato il 9 e potendo regnare indisturbato, aveva fatto stampare nuove monete con la combinazione di numeri la cui somma dava nove. Banconote quindi da 45 Kyats o da 90 kyats. Aveva anche deciso di effettuare il colpo di stato il 18 settembre, nono mese dell’anno. Ventisei anni di totale isolamento dal resto del mondo, nel tentativo di costruire la via birmana al socialismo, avevano portato il paese al collasso. Una ricetta la sua intrisa di violenza, nazionalismo, orrore, numerologia e astrologia. Fino a quando le manifestazioni esplosero contemporaneamente quella fatidica mattina di agosto, in tutto il paese. A Rangoon studenti, lavoratori e monaci buddisti con le ciotole per il riso rivolte verso il basso in segno di protesta, avevano riempito le strade del centro. Un fiume umano scorreva deciso e invadeva la città. La repressione calò all’improvviso come una mannaia sui dimostranti. Dai camion dell’esercito sbucarono le mitragliatrici. I giovani con grande coraggio si schierarono davanti a queste a dorso nudo. In pochi minuti centinaia furono i morti per le strade. I militari continuavano a sparare all’impazzata contro i dimostranti, che innalzavano i cartelli con le foto del padre della patria, Aung San. La carneficina si interruppe solo all’alba del giorno dopo. Le manifestazioni continuarono in tutto il paese. Tutti indifferentemente scendevano in piazza. Medici, infermiere, avvocati con indosso le loro toghe, lavoratori, attori, scrittori, casalinghe, monaci buddisti, poliziotti, travestiti, cechi. L’intero paese si stava rivoltando e organizzando contro l’odiosa dittatura. Suu Kyi non poteva rimanere indifferente a tanto. Sapeva di dover rispondere a questa orgia di violenza che aveva prodotto in pochissimi giorni migliaia di morti. Moltissime erano state le pressioni nei suoi confronti. C’era bisogno di un leader, che guidasse le masse in rivolta, che desse fiducia ed evitasse che il sacrificio dei ragazzi uccisi e degli arrestati fosse stato vano. Bisognava incanalare la rivolta. Dare un futuro al movimento. Doveva prendere posizione. Doveva schierarsi e prendere le redini di questo movimento. Lei non ci mise neanche un minuto a decidersi. Si preparò e il 26 agosto fece il grande passo che avrebbe cambiato definitivamente la sua vita e quella della sua famiglia. Venne organizzata una grande manifestazione presso la Pagoda di Shwe Dagon. Suu Kyi decise che sarebbe intervenuta. Era venuto il grande momento. Una diffusa eccitazione si palpava tra la folla, che era li dalla sera prima. Sapevano che la figlia del loro eroe sarebbe arrivata. L’attesa era enorme. Finalmente un piccolo corteo di macchine si fermò lungo il bordo della strada. Lei uscì dall’auto, si fece lentamente largo tra la folla, L’attesa era stata lunga anni e ciascuno voleva vedere la figlia dell’amato leader e soprattutto voleva ascoltare da lei parole rassicuranti sul futuro della lotta e sul suo impegno. Un giuramento di fedeltà al popolo birmano Suu Kyi salì sul palco ed inizio a parlare. La sua voce era chiara e ferma. Leggeva scandendo le parole come se dovessero essere capite da tutti una per una. Leggeva e faceva lunghe pause. Fu l’unico discorso scritto, sino ai suoi arresti l’anno successivo. La sua prima preoccupazione fu quella di dimostrare al mondo che il vasto movimento di popolo non era un movimento violento, ma al contrario. Poi dopo averci pensato molto affrontò due dubbi che spesso aleggiavano tra la gente. Sarebbe stata in grado di affrontare la complessità dei problemi politici del paese, essendo vissuta per moltissimi anni all’estero e per giunta, avendo sposato uno straniero? Il suo fu un discorso semplice e chiaro. Un giuramento di fedeltà al popolo birmano. Un giuramento che anteponeva il suo popolo e il suo paese agli affetti personali, alla sua stessa vita. Giustificò la sua lunga lontananza dalla politica birmana, come segno di rispetto per suo padre, che una volta ottenuta l’indipendenza non avrebbe voluto prendere parte alla politica di potere che ne sarebbe seguita. Ora lei non avrebbe potuto rimanere indifferente a tutto quello che stava succedendo e paragonò la crisi nazionale ad una seconda lotta per l’indipendenza e per un sistema di governo democratico e parlamentare. A sostegno di queste affermazioni lesse una dichiarazione del padre: “dobbiamo fare della democrazia il credo popolare. Dobbiamo cercare di costruire una Birmania libera secondo tale credo. Se dovessimo fallire in questo, il nostro popolo sarà costretto a soffrire. Se la democrazia dovesse fallire, il mondo non potrà tirarsi indietro e stare a guardare, e per ciò; la Birmania sarà un giorno , come il Giappone e la Germania.. La democrazia è l’unica ideologia che è coerente con la libertà è anche una ideologia che promuove e rafforza la pace. Ed è perciò l’unica ideologia a cui dovremmo ambire ” . La folla ascoltava attenta e, più Aung San Suu Kyi parlava, più si percepiva che, come per miracolo, si stava consolidando uno straordinario legame di fiducia e di affidamento tra lei ed il suo popolo. Poi affrontò lo spinosissimo problema del rapporto con l’esercito. Quell’esercito che solo pochi giorni prima, aveva perpetrato una vera e propria carneficina e che da anni schiacciava con un pugno di ferro qualsiasi tentativo di dissenso. Un esercito creato dal padre, ma con tutt’altri obiettivi: le forze armate devono essere al servizio di questa nazione e questo popolo, e dovrebbero essere una forza, tale da ricevere gli onori e il rispetto del popolo. Se invece l’esercito dovesse essere odiato dal popolo, allora le aspettative, in base alle quali questo esercito è stato costituito, sarebbero state vane. Suu Kyi con queste parole cercava di evitare che l’odio verso l’esercito venisse fomentato ulteriormente. Sapeva che l’unica via di uscita possibile per il paese era rappresentata da una lotta pacifica e senza odio per gli aguzzini che tenevano prigioniero il popolo intero. Un appello alla pacificazione, al dialogo e all’unità del popolo. Una unità ed una forza controllata dalla disciplina e dalla volontà di raggiungere gli obiettivi di democrazia e di unità tra le diverse etnie birmane. Lei si appellava alla maggioranza di etnia birmana perchè si impegnasse costruire l’ unità e l’ amicizia tra i gruppi nazionali e razziali . Un appello importantissimo, che chiedeva la tolleranza anche nei confronti delle forze politiche di regime, che non avrebbero dovuto essere molestate in alcun modo. Da ultimo Suu Kyi lanciò la grande sfida alla giunta militare chiedendo che fossero convocate al più presto libere elezioni per la costruzione di un governo democratico multipartitico. Fu il discorso che cambiò definitivamente la sua esistenza. Era stata definitivamente accettata come leader del suo popolo e aveva lanciato una sfida pacifica, ma ferma, ai militari e a tutto il regime. Una sfida pagata pesantemente. Per dare una prospettiva e una organizzazione ad una lotta, che rischiava di degenerare e di implodere, venne decisa la fondazione di un partito: la Lega Nazionale per la Democrazia. Aung San Suu Kyi ne divenne segretaria generale. Un lavoro intenso che doveva per di più contrastare un colpo di stato improvviso, che aveva rafforzato il ruolo dei militari, che, per ingannare il mondo, avevano anche libere elezioni da tenersi il 27 maggio del 1990. Le mitragliatrici però non smettevano di seminare la morte tra i dimostranti. Suu Kyi iniziò a viaggiare per il paese e a tenere comizi, sempre affollatissimi e a organizzare il partito. Le costò caro. A luglio del 1989, i militari per tagliare le ali alla testa del movimento, misero Suu Kyi agli arresti domiciliari. Suu Kyi sapeva che sarebbe stata arrestata. Preparò le sue cose e si sedette a parlare con i suoi due figli, che erano venuti a trovarla a Rangoon. Dovevano ritornare in Gran Bretagna immediatamente: Come madre, il più grande sacrificio era quello di lasciare i miei figli, ma ero stata sempre conscia del fatto che altri avevano sacrificato molto più di quanto stessi facendo io. Ovviamente non è una scelta che avevo fatto allegramente, ma comunque una scelta che feci senza alcuna riserva od esitazione. Ma avrei voluto non aver perso tutti quegli anni della vita dei miei figli. Avrei preferito piuttosto averla vissuta insieme[7] Suu Kyi sentiva profondamente che nonostante la grande sofferenza nel veder andar via i propri figli lei viveva una condizione estremamente privilegiata. nel corso degli anni dei miei arresti domiciliari, la mia famiglia viveva in una società libera ed io ero sicura che loro erano economicamente protetti e al sicuro dia qualsiasi forma di persecuzione, la maggior parte dei miei colleghi che erano stati imprigionati non venivano confortati da assicurazioni dello stesso tipo. Sapevano bene che le loro famiglie erano in una posizione estremamente vulnerabile, in pericolo costante di interrogatori, di perquisizioni, di minacce generalizzate e di interferenze con i loro mezzi di sostentamento. Per quei prigionieri con dei figli era particolarmente difficile[8] Non venne accusata di nulla. Secondo la legge marziale, chiunque poteva essere messo agli arresti domiciliari sino a tre anni, senza alcuna accusa formale. Cercavano di impedire che le annunciate elezioni potessero diventare un boomerang per il potere. Suu Kyi per evitare che l’arresto potesse essere utilizzato per proibire al suo partito di candidarsi alle elezioni, rinunciò alla carica di segretaria generale. Le continue carneficine, gli accordi con il governo tailandese per il rimpatrio forzato degli studenti e dei dissidenti che erano scappati in Tailandia, i bombardamenti delle zone controllate dal gruppo etnico dei Kareni ed ora gli arresti della giovane leader birmana avevano fatto schizzare verso l’alto i consensi nei confronti dell’NLD e fatto diventare Suu Kyi una eroina. Nobel per la Pace e ancora reclusa Arrivarono finalmente le elezioni e la democrazia sbaragliò completamente i militari. Il partito di Suu Kyi stravinse, conquistando 392 seggi su 485, ma il potere non venne mai trasferito nelle mani del nuovo parlamento democraticamente eletto. Ogni giorno vi era una nuova decisione, che puntava a evitare di cedere il potere. Suu Kyi rimaneva chiusa nella sua grande casa, mentre continuava il braccio di ferro tra la giunta e il popolo. Centinaia furono gli arresti. Buona parte dei parlamentari eletti finì in carcere, mentre un altro gruppo scelse l’esilio. Suu Kyi viveva nella impossibilità di sostenere attivamente il suo popolo e sapeva che questa condizione non sarebbe durata poco. Neanche un anno dopo le elezioni, la giunta decise di estendere gli arresti domiciliari fino a cinque anni. Il mondo politico internazionale si mobilitò con grandi dichiarazioni, ma pochi furono i gesti concreti a sostegno di questa lotta tra Davide e Golia. Il Parlamento Europeo le conferì il Premio Sakharof, per i diritti umani e poi nello stesso anno arrivò il Premio Nobel Per la Pace. Suu Kyi lavorava molto nonostante il totale isolamento. I suoi punti di riferimento rimanevano Gandhi, Nelson Mandela e Vaclav Havel, che per altro l’aveva candidata al Nobel. la pace, la stabilità e l’unità non possono essere importati o imposti: hanno bisogno di essere nutriti attraverso la promozione della sensibilità verso i bisogni delle persone ed il rispetto per i diritti e le opinioni degli altri.[9] e il buddismo. Il suo pensiero nonostante tutto rimaneva orientato verso la necessità di una politica di riconciliazione nazionale, verso il difficile e quasi impossibile dialogo con i militari. ho letto da qualche parte che è sempre più difficile per il perpetratore di un atto crudele di perdonare la vittima, che per la vittima di perdonare il suo torturatore. Quando ho letto ciò l’ho trovato molto strano, ma credo che sia vero. La vittima può perdonare poiché ha una forte base morale per farlo. Nel 1994 la giunta estese i suoi arresti per altri cinque anni. Pur autorizzandola ad incontrare alcuni diplomatici stranieri. Suu Kyi potè così iniziare a lanciare la sua strategia in direzione di un negoziato, equo e tripartito con la giunta e le rappresentanze delle nazionalità etniche. E i risultati non tardarono ad arrivare. Cominciarono gli incontri segreti tra i generali e la Signora, e poi venne la sua liberazione. Il giorno dopo il suo rilascio Suu Kyi lanciò formalmente la richiesta di un negoziato con la giunta e di riforme politiche da stabilire di comune accordo. Chiese però contemporaneamente e con chiarezza agli investitori stranieri, alle istituzioni internazionali e ai governi di non investire nel suo paese sino a quando non fosse raggiunta una democrazia stabile. Il tempo aveva fatto affinare anche la sua strategia e l’aveva convinta che l’opposizione pacifica doveva essere accompagnata da un forte sostegno internazionale, anche attraverso la introduzione di sanzioni economiche, che avrebbero colpito al cuore il potere economico della giunta. I militari infatti avevano e tutt’ora hanno il controllo, diretto od indiretto, di tutte le imprese, soprattutto di quelle che producono per la esportazione, a partire da quelle petrolifere. Suu Kyi sapeva che il boicottaggio dei prodotti birmani non avrebbe colpito il suo popolo e soprattutto i lavoratori, perchè tutti erano già ridotti alla fame e schiavi dei salari irrisori e del lavoro forzato, ampliamente utilizzato dalla giunta. Subito dopo l’annuncio della sua liberazione, i cancelli della sua casa in University Avenue divennero un punto di incontro per migliaia di persone. Ogni giorno era una manifestazione. Suu Kyi usciva dal cancello della sua casa e con un megafono si rivolgeva alla folla, ogni giorno piccoli comizi che irritavano profondamente la giunta. Il suo obiettivo principale era aprire il dialogo con il governo, perchè fosse rispettato il volere del popolo, espresso nelle elezioni del 90 e perchè la Convenzione Nazionale, lanciata dalla giunta per riscrivere la Costituzione del paese, abrogata nel 1974, fosse realmente una Convenzione con criteri democratici e con una partecipazione altrettanto democratica e paritaria. non è mai semplice convincere coloro che hanno conquistato il potere con la forza della saggezza di un cambiamento pacifico seguitava ad affermare. Continuò a fare riunioni e a tenere comizi. Pur non potendo e volendo lasciare il paese, i suoi discorsi venivano letti in molti Convegni. Anche la Conferenza mondiale delle Donne di Pechino rese omaggio al suo coraggio e alla sua determinazione. Un suo videomessaggio aprì la Conferenza delle organizzazioni non governative. Un intervento che intendeva parlare alle donne, ma anche e ai suoi oppositori. la mia esperienza durante gli anni in cui sono stata impegnata nel movimento per la democrazia in Birmania mi ha convinto della necessità di enfatizzare gli aspetti positivi della tolleranza, che non è semplicemente vivi e lascia vivere. La tolleranza genuina richiede un impegno attivo per cercare di capire il punto di vista degli altri, significa una mente aperta e una visione come pure la fiducia nella propria abilità di affrontare le nuove sfide senza finire nella intransigenza o nella violenza… Non è una prerogativa dei soli uomini di portare la luce in questo mondo: le donne con la loro capacità di essere comprensive e con il loro sacrificio, il loro coraggio e la perseveranza hanno fatto molto per dissipare il buio della intolleranza e di odio, di sofferenze e disperazione.[10] La sua storia che l’aveva portata ad essere famosa, non aveva cambiato la sua natura schiva e semplice. Amava stare tra la sua gente perchè lei sentiva di essere considerata come una sorella maggiore e non come una persona importante. Riconosceva inoltre che la sua forza veniva dal coraggio degli altri. non c’è nulla di paragonabile con il coraggio della gente comune i cui nomi sono sconosciuti ed i cui sacrifici passano inosservati. Il coraggio che osa senza riconoscimenti, senza la protezione della attenzione dei media, è un coraggio in grado di sconfiggere ed ispira e riafferma il nostro credo nella umanità .Questo coraggio l’ho visto settimane dopo settimane sin dal mio rilascio dagli arresti domiciliari quindici mesi fa.[11] Un omaggio a tutte quelle migliaia di persone che si radunavano, nelle manifestazioni di fronte ai cancelli della sua casa. Un coraggio che le aveva dato la forza, nel 1999, di rinunciare ad andare in Gran Bretagna, dove suo marito stava morendo di cancro. La giunta gli aveva negato il visto di ingresso e avrebbe lasciato partire Suu Kyi, ma sicuramente le avrebbe impedito di tornare a Rangoon, dal suo popolo. Michael morì senza poter riabbracciare per l’ultima volta sua moglie. La sua determinazione riemerse poi quando per varie volte dal 1996 al settembre 2000, infranse il divieto uscire da Rangoon. L’ultimo braccio di ferro durò nove giorni. I militari antisommossa circondarono la sua macchina su di un ponte, bucarono le gomme e le impedirono di ripartire. Lei, pur di non cedere, rimase nella sua auto per tutti i nove giorni, sotto un sole cocente, senza cibo, né acqua a parte le scorte che si era portata. Le costò caro. Il 22 settembre fu messa nuovamente agli arresti domiciliari sino al 6 ottobre del 2002. Altri 19 mesi di arresti domiciliari. L’ultimo suo arresto in ordine di tempo avvenne subito dopo il massacro di Depayin avvenuto il 30 maggio 2005. Quel giorno a Depayin nella provincia di Sagaing, il convoglio di macchine che scortava la Signora ed altri leader del partito, venne fermato ed attaccato dalle squadracce della USDA[12], mentre entravano in un villaggio dove era attesa da una folla di sostenitori. Centinaia furono i feriti e i morti lungo il percorso. Suu Kyi venne catturata dai militari e tenuta nascosta per giorni. Poi fu ricondotta agli arresti nuovamente, ma in forma più rigida che mai. Dopo Depayin calò di nuovo un isolamento totale e feroce. Un isolamento che le periodiche dichiarazioni di condanna delle istituzioni internazionali e dei governi non riusciranno a scalfire, a meno che non si metta in moto una forte e coerente azione Internazionale, che superi le attuali ipocrisie e infingimenti. È tempo che il Consiglio di Sicurezza ONU discuta di Birmania, assuma decisioni chiare, anche usando le sanzioni economiche chieste da Suu Kyi ai governi, alle istituzioni internazionali e alle imprese, per attivare con tempi e scadenze certe un dialogo tripartito verso la democrazia. È tempo che Suu Kyi esca dalla sua casa prigione e possa liberamente vivere la sua vita di donna e di politica. [1] Bangkok Post, 4 gennaio 1998 The Benefit of Meditation. www.brimaniademocratica.org [2] Lettera dalla Birmania n.4 Thamanya: a place of peace and Kindness. [3] il 20 luglio del 1989 [4] State Law Order Restoration Council [5] The Humanist 11/1/1997 intervista di Clements Alan [6] AFPFL : Anti-Fascist Peoplès League [7] To be free. Stories from Asiàs struggle against oppression. Chee Soon Juan, [8] letters from Burma n.6 Aung San Suu Kyi, 31.12.1995 Mainichi Daily News. www.birmaniademocratica.org [9] Towards a true Refuge . 19 maggio 1993, The Joyce Pearce Memorial Lecture Refugee Studies Programme, University of Oxford . www.birmaniademocratica.org [10] intervento di apertura al Forum delle ONG della Conferenza delle donne, Pechino 31 agosto 1955. www.birmaniademocratica.org [11] Mainichi Daily News. Courage of ordinary people goes unmatched: “Tribute. Letter from Burma (No. 48) Aung San Suu Kyi. www. Brimaniademocratica.org [12] Solidarity Development Association, una organizzazione creata dalla giunta http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=a7e67a254a96445bb975674bd1d1511b Sun, 16 Mar 2008 18:13:50 GMT f68874b736bb4aa6a7456e72ba4ea0b4 2008-03-16T19:57:49.7570000+01:00 Mainichi Daily News, Sunday, November 10, 1996 COURAGE OF ORDINARY PEOPLE GOES UNMATCHED: "Tribute" Letter from Burma (No. 48) by Aung San Suu Kyi There is nothing to compare with the courage of ordinary people whose names are unknown and whose sacrifices pass unnoticed. The courage that dares without recognition, without the protection of media attention, is a courage that humbles and inspires and reaffirms our faith in humanity. Such courage I have seen week after week since my release from house arrest 15 months ago. Our brave supporters who come to our weekend rallies are a shining symbol of true commitment and strength. There are those who have not missed a single rally and who have become part of the family of our hearts. There is our lovely /Ahmay/ ("Mother"), who has her hair up in an old-fashioned top knot just as my own mother did during the later years of her life. Ahmay usually wears an insouciant smile on her face and a small flower in her hair. She is accompanied by /Ahba/ ("Father"), gentle of mien and quiet of manners, and by their bright-faced young grandson. Ahmay is the center of a group of democracy faithfuls who have looked the cameras of the military intelligence squarely in the lens and again and again braved the threats of the authorities to demonstrate their unwavering support for the cause of democracy in Burma. These unshakable stalwarts arrive early in the morning on Saturdays and Sundays and stake out their places in front of my house. They sit against the fence on sheets of newspaper or plastic, seeking respite from the glaring sun under the speckled shade of a tree. During the height of the monsoons, they construct a plastic awning under which they sit out the heaviest deluges with unimpaired spirits and determination. When U Kyi Maung and U Tin U and I come out to speak at 4 o'clock, the are stationed right in front of the gate with beaming smiles of welcome and affection. They are the representative heart of the thousands who come to our rallies because they believe in the importance of the basic democratic freedoms of association, assembly and expression. They listen intently to what we have to say and respond with intelligence and humor. Time and time again, foreign visitors and correspondents have commented on the extraordinary courtesy and good will that is evident among our audience. Our rallies are political rallies so the main thrust of our speeches is about politics. We respond to letters from the people about the current economic, social and political situation; we discuss the latest international developments; we talk about the struggles for justice and freedom and human rights that have taken place in different parts of the world; we criticize policies and programs which are detrimental to harmony and progress in the nation; we touch on historical matters. One could say that each one of the three of us has a "specialty" of our own. U Tin U, as a one-time Chief of Defense Services and Minister of Defense, as one who has spent two years as a monk and as one who has a degree in law, talks most often about matters relating to the armed services, to religion and to the law. He is able to illustrate political truths with stories from the teachings of the Buddha and to analyze actions taken by the authorities against the NLD from the legal point of view. He has an arresting "voice of command" which at times makes the microphones almost redundant. There is a transparent honesty and sincerity about his words that endear him to the audience. U Kyi Maung concentrates on economics, history and education and has a delightful sense of humor. Across the road from my house is a compound from which the security services survey my house. During our rallies a video camera team stations itself on the fence and records everything. Around this team there is usually a small group of members of the military intelligence and other security personnel: they listen carefully to our speeches and sometimes they laugh so heartily at U Kyi Maung's jokes (some of which are directed against them) that I can see their teeth flashing in their faces. His occasional stories about a "grandson" with a very MI-like personality are great favorites. I am the one to respond to letters from the audience and discuss political struggles that have taken place in Burma in the past and also in other parts of the world. I also talk often about the necessity to cultivate the habit of questioning arbitrary orders and to stand firm and united in the face of adversity. One of my most frequent messages is the reminder that neither I alone, or the National League for Democracy by itself, can achieve democracy for Burma. The people have to be involved in the process; democracy involves as many responsibilities as rights. The strength and will to maintain two rallies a week for more than a year came from our staunch audience. At those times when the authorities were at their most threatening the crowds become larger as a demonstration of solidarity. Even when the authorities blocked off access to my house to prevent the rallies from taking place, people still came as near as they could to let us and the rest of the world know that they were determined to continue the struggle for the right of free assembly. ******** This article is one of a yearlong series of letters. The Japanese translation appears in the Mainichi Shimbun the same day, or the previous day in some areas. http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=f68874b736bb4aa6a7456e72ba4ea0b4 Sun, 16 Mar 2008 18:57:49 GMT 596e82870a2c43d4b831b7560a99829c Appello per raccolta firme lanciato da CISL, WWF, GREENPEACE, LEGAMBIENTE 2008-03-16T19:15:04.1170000+01:00 CISL - LEGAMBIENTE – WWF - GREENPEACE “CAMPAGNA BIRMANIA” contro il lavoro forzato, per la democrazia, i diritti, l’ambiente in Birmania, la liberazione di Aung San Suu Kyi la Birmania è un paese martoriato da decenni di violenta dittatura, che ha imposto l’arbitrio come legge e come modalità di governo. Un paese che ha raggiunto il triste primato di essere il primo produttore di metanfetamine al mondo, il secondo per produzione di oppio, il primo per bambini soldato e per la presenza di lavoro forzato. Inoltre il Nobel per la Pace Aung San Suu Kyi, da ormai 12 anni, è costretta a durissimi arresti domiciliari, mentre oltre mille prigionieri politici, sono vittime di torture ed abusi durante la detenzione, a causa dei quali molti hanno perso la vita. Il regime militare inoltre si rifiuta di avviare un serio dialogo tripartito con procedure e scadenze condivise con tutte le parti interessate, a partire dalla Lega Nazionale per la Democrazia e le organizzazioni delle nazionalità etniche, ed ha lanciato un inaccettabile processo di "Convenzione Nazionale" per una costituzione, che manterrebbe il potere nelle mani dei militari. Centinaia di migliaia di uomini, donne e bambini sono tutt’ora costretti al lavoro forzato, da parte sia dei militari, sia delle autorità locali, e sono spesso obbligati alle deportazioni forzate, mentre sono comuni la detenzione e le esecuzioni, torture, stupri, utilizzati come mezzo di potere Continua la repressione di tutti i fondamentali diritti umani e sindacali. Gli attivisti del lavoro, le loro famiglie, amici e conoscenti vengono costantemente arrestati, torturati e condannati a pesanti pene detentive, mentre Il regime militare ha dichiarato il sindacato birmano FTUB una organizzazione terroristica. Accanto alle violazioni dei fondamentali diritti umani e del lavoro si aggiungono la gravissima violazione dei diritti ambientali con la distruzione ed il taglio illegale delle foreste di teak, il dissennato sfruttamento minerario, la costruzione delle dighe sul fiume Salween, che ridurranno alla povertà oltre 500.000 contadini e pescatori danneggiando irrimediabilmente il delicato ecosistema locale. Poiché tutte le principali attività economiche e produttive sono in mano o sono controllate dal regime militare o dallo stato, l’ ILO ha approvato nel 2000 una Risoluzione che chiede a tutti i governi, agli imprenditori e alle organizzazioni sindacali: “ di rivedere i loro rapporti con la Birmania e di adottare le misure appropriate affinché tale paese Membro, non possa trarre profitto da questi rapporti, per perpetuare o sviluppare il sistema di lavoro forzato. A causa della persistenza del lavoro forzato, tale risoluzione è stata integrata dalla richiesta ai governi di introdurre ulteriori misure, ivi compreso nei confronti degli investimenti diretti esteri e dei rapporti con le imprese birmane statali o di proprietà di militari. Chiediamo: - alle imprese italiane: · che hanno rapporti commerciali con la Birmania e alle multinazionali, a partire da quelle impegnate nel settore forestale, petrolifero, del gas e minerario, nei progetti di costruzione di dighe ed infrastrutture - che comportano ingenti profitti per il regime, la violazione dei diritti umani, sindacali, ambientali - di sospendere i loro rapporti con questo paese, per non contribuire a rafforzare il potere della giunta, che continua ad utilizzare il lavoro forzato e la devastazione ambientale come fonte di potere . - Agli enti locali, alle Regioni, al governo Italiano : di impegnarsi attivamente per la attuazione della Risoluzione ILO nei confronti delle imprese e di istituire un sistema di disincentivi e di monitoraggio e rapporto regolare all’ILO, sul comportamento delle imprese. · di sostenere il rafforzamento della Posizione Comune dell’UE, inserendo nell’elenco delle imprese con le quali è proibito oggi promuovere accordi e collaborazioni economiche, anche le imprese di proprietà dello stato e dei militari, così come richiesto dal governo birmano in esilio e dall’ILO, a partire dai i prodotti del settore del legno. di sostenere attivamente le organizzazioni democratiche e sindacali birmane e il governo in esilio. Di continuare a fare pressione per il rilascio immediato e senza condizioni del Premio Nobel per la Pace Aung San Suu Kyi e di tutti gli altri prigionieri politici, in particolare di Myo Aung Thant; sindacalista dell’FTUB, condannato all’ergastolo. di rifiutare il riconoscimento del processo di “Convenzione Nazionale” e la costituzione illegittima, predisposta dal regime, sostenendo invece l’impegno del movimento di opposizione democratica, per la promozione di una costituzione democratica e federale. · di sostenere attivamente il dialogo specifico nelle istituzioni EU, ASEAN[1], ASEM[2] e SAARC[3], e con i paesi più interessati, per spingere il regime militare ad avviare un efficace dialogo politico con la partecipazione di tutte le parti interessate: i gruppi etnici e la Lega Nazionale per la Democrazia, come condizioni indispensabili per l'istituzione di una vera e propria democrazia e dello stato di diritto. · Di richiedere il pieno rispetto delle foreste della Birmania e delle comunità che le abitano. · di richiedere alle organizzazioni internazionali e regionali, comprese le istituzioni finanziarie, di interrompere i prestiti e qualunque altro progetto che coinvolga la Birmania, ad eccezione di quei casi specificamente previsti per la attuazione delle raccomandazioni dell’OIL e per la lotta contro HIV/AIDS, malaria e tubercolosi. · di lavorare per la adozione al Consiglio di Sicurezza ONU, di una Risoluzione, che costringa la giunta ad un tavolo negoziale per la democrazia con tutte le parti interessate a partire dall’NLD e dalle organizzazioni dei gruppi etnici. FIRMA ANCHE TU L’APPELLO SUI SITI: www.cisl .it www.birmaniademocratica.org [1] Association of South East Asian Nations – Associazione delle Nazioni dell'Asia Sud-Orientale [2] Asia-European Meeting. [3] South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation – Associazione per la cooperazione regionale dell'Asia del Sud. http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=596e82870a2c43d4b831b7560a99829c Sun, 16 Mar 2008 18:15:04 GMT b69f496452ab404abf035fe09a2f2bf5 2008-03-16T20:07:33.7730000+01:00 by Aung San Suu Kyi November 21, 1994 address to WCCD in Manila [Address to a meeting of the World Commission on Culture and Development, Manila, 21 November 1994, to be presented on behalf of the author at her request by Mrs Corazon Aquino.] At its third meeting held at San Jose, Costa Rica, 22-26 February 1994, the World Commission on Culture and Development set itself three goals, the third of which was "to promote a new cultural dynamic: the culture of peace and culture of development". The Commission undertook to "endeavour to recommend the concrete measures that could promote, on a national and international scale, a culture of peace" and went on to state that: "a culture of peace, culture of democracy and culture of human rights are indivisible. Their effective implementation must result in a democratic management and ... the prevention of intercultural conflicts." [1] Peace as a goal is an ideal which will not be contested by any government or nation, not even the most belligerent. And the close interdependence of the culture of peace and the culture of development also finds ready acceptance. But it remains a matter of uncertainty how far governments are prepared to concede that democracy and human rights are indivisible from the culture of peace and therefore essential to sustained development. There is ample evidence that culture and development can actually be made to serve as pretexts for resisting calls for democracy and human rights. It is widely known that some governments argue that democracy is a western concept alien to indigenous values; it has also been asserted that economic development often conflicts with political (i.e. democratic) rights and that the second should necessarily give way to the first. In the light of such arguments culture and development need to be carefully examined and defined that they may not be used, or rather, misused, to block the aspirations of peoples for democratic institutions and human rights. The unsatisfactory record of development in many parts of the world and the ensuing need for a definition of development which means more than mere economic growth became a matter of vita concern to economists and international agencies more than a decade ago. [2] In A New Concept of Development, published in 1983, Francois Perroux stated that: "Development has not taken place: it represents a dramatic growth of awareness, a promise, a matter of survival indeed; intellectually, however, it is still only dimly perceived." [3] Later, in the same book, he asserted that: "... personal development, the freedom of persons fulfilling their potential in the context of the values to which they subscribe and which they experience in their actions, is one of the mainsprings of all forms of development." [4] His concept of development therefore gives a firm place to human and cultural values within any scheme for progress, economic or otherwise. The United Nations Development Programme too began to spell out the difference between growth and development in the 1980s.[5] With the beginning of the 1990s the primacy of the human aspect of development was acknowledged by the UNDP with the publication of its first Human Development Report. And the special focus of the 1993 Report was people's participation, seen as "the central issue of our time". [6] While the concept of human development is beginning to assume a dominant position in the thinking of international economists and administrators, the Market Economy, not merely adorned with capital letters but seen in an almost mystic haze, is increasingly regarded by many governments as the quick and certain way to material prosperity. Itis assumed that economic measures can resolve all the problems facing their countries. Economics is described as the "deus ex machina, the most important key to every lock of every door to the new Asia we wish to see"; and "healthy economic development" is seen as "... essential to successfully meeting the challenge of peace security, the challenge of human rights and responsibilities, the challenge of democracy and the rule of law, the challenge of social justice and reform and the challenge of cultural renaissance and pluralism." [7] The view that economic development is essential to peace, human rights, democracy and cultural pluralism, and the view that a culture of peace, democracy and human rights is essential to sustained human development, many seem on the surface to differ only in the matter of approach. But a closer investigation reveals that the difference in approach itself implies differences of a more fundamental order. When economics is regarded as "the most important key to every lock of every door" it is only natural that the worth of man should come to be decided largely, even wholly, by his effectiveness as an economic tool. [8] This is at variance with the vision of a world where economic, political and social institutions work to serve man instead of the other way round; where culture and development coalesce to create an environment in which human potential can be realized to the full. The differing views ultimately reflect differences in how the valuation of the various components of the social and national entity are made; how such basic concepts as poverty, progress, culture, freedom, democracy and human rights are defined and, of crucial importance, who has the power to determine such values and definitions. The value systems of those with access to power and of those far removed from such access cannot be the same. The viewpoint of the privileged is unlike that of the underprivileged. In the matter of power and privilege the difference between the haves and the have-nots is not merely quantitative, for it has far-reaching psychological and ideological implications. And many "economic" concerns are seldom just that, since they are tied up with questions of power and privilege. The problem of poverty provides an example of the inadequacy of a purely economic approach to a human situation. Even those who take a down-to-earth view of basic human needs agree that: "... whatever doctors, nutritionists, and other scientists may say about the objective conditions of deprivation, how the poor themselves perceive their deprivation is also relevant." [9] The alleviation of poverty thus entails setting in motion processes which can change the perceptions of all those concerned. Here power and privilege come into play: "The poor are powerless and have no voice. Power is the responsibility of expressing and imposing one's will in a given social relationship, in the face of any resistance. The poor are incapable of either imposing, coercing or, in many cases, having any influence at all." [10] It is not enough merely to provide the poor with material assistance. They have to be sufficiently empowered to change their perception of themselves as helpless and ineffectual in an uncaring world. The question of empowerment is central to both culture and development. It decides who has the means of imposing on a nation or society their view of what constitutes culture and development and who determines what practical measures can be taken in the name of culture and development. The more totalitarian a system the more power will be concentrated in the hands of the ruling elite and the more culture and development will be used to serve narrow interests. Culture has been defined as "the most recent, the most highly developed means of promoting the security and continuity of life". [11] Culture thus defined is dynamic and broad, the emphasis is on its flexible, non-compelling qualities. But when it is bent to serve narrow interests it becomes static and rigid, its exclusive aspects come to the fore and it assumes coercive overtones. The "national culture" can become a bizarre graft of carefully selected historical incidents and distorted social values intended to justify the policies and actions of those in power.[12] At the same time development is likely to be seen in the now outmoded sense of economic growth. Statistics, often unverifiable, are reeled off to prove the success of official measures. Many authoritarian governments wish to appear in the forefront of modern progress but are reluctant to institute genuine change. Such governments tend to claim that they are taking a uniquely national or indigenous path towards a political system in keeping with the times. In the decades immediately after the Second World War socialism was the popular option. But increasingly since the 1980s democracy has gained ground. The focus on a national or indigenous way to socialism or democracy has: "... the effect of stressing cultural continuity as both process and goals; this in turn obviates the necessity of defining either democracy or socialism in institutionally or procedurally specific terms; and finally, it elevates the existing political elite to the indispensable position of final arbiter and interpreter of what does or does not contribute to the preservation of cultural integrity". [13] It is often in the name of cultural integrity as well as social stability and national security that democratic reforms based on human rights are resisted by authoritarian governments. It is insinuated that some of the worst ills of western society are the result of democracy, which is seen as the progenitor of unbridled freedom and selfish individualism. It is claimed, usually without adequate evidence, that democratic values and human rights run counter to the national culture, and therefore to be beneficial they need to be modified -- perhaps to the extent that they are barely recognizable. The people are said to be as yet unfit for democracy, therefore an indefinite length of time has to pass before democratic reforms can be instituted. The first form of attack is often based on the premise, so universally accepted that it is seldom challenged or even noticed, that the United States of America is the supreme example of democratic culture. What tends to be overlooked is that although the USA is certainly the most important representative of democratic culture, it also represents many other cultures, often intricately enmeshed. Among these are the "I-want- it-all" consumer culture, megacity culture, superpower culture, frontier culture, immigrant culture. There is also a strong media culture which constantly exposes the myriad problems of American society, from large ssues such as street violence and drug abuse to the matrimonial difficulties of minor celebrities. Many of the worst ills of American society, increasingly to be found in varying degrees in other developed countries, can be traced not to the democratic legacy but to the demands of modern materialism. Gross individualism and cut- throat morality arise when political and intellectual freedoms are curbed on the one hand, while on the other, fierce economic competitiveness is encouraged by making material success the measure of prestige and progress. The result is a society where cultural and human values are set aside and money value reigns supreme. No political or social system is perfect. But could such a powerful and powerfully diverse nation as the United States have been prevented from disintegrating if it had not been sustained by democratic institutions guaranteed by a constitution based on the assumption that man's capacity for reason and justice makes free government possible and that his capacity for passion and injustices makes it necessary? [14] It is precisely because of the cultural diversity of the world that it is necessary for different nations and peoples to agree on those basic human values which will act as a unifying factor. When democracy and human rights are said to run counter to non- western culture, such culture is usually defined narrowly and presented as monolithic. In fact the values that democracy and human rights seek to promote can be found in many cultures. Human beings the world over need freedom and security that they may be able to realize their full potential. The longing for a form of governance that provides security without destroying freedom goes back a long way.[15] Support for the desirability of strong government and dictatorship can also be found in all cultures, both eastern and western: the desire to dominate and the tendency to adulate the powerful are also common human traits arising out of a desire for security. A nation may choose a system that leaves the protection of the freedom and security of the many dependent on the inclinations of the empowered few; or it may choose institutions and practices that will sufficiently empower individuals and organizations to protect their own freedom and security. The choice will decide how far a nation will progress along the road to peace and human development. [16] Many of the countries in the third world now striving for meaningful development are multiracial societies where there is one dominant racial group and a number -- sometimes a large number -- of smaller groups: foreign, religious or ethnic minorities. As poverty can no longer be defined satisfactorily in terms of basic economic needs, "minority" can no longer be defined merely in terms of numbers. For example, it has been noted in a study of minorities in Burmese history that: "In the process of nation-building ... the notion of minority in urma changed, as one group defines itself as a nation those outside the group become minorities ... There were, of course, minorities in traditional Burma -- people close to the power elite who considered themselves superior and people estranged from the power elite who were considered inferior. These criteria for establishing majorities (who might in fact be a small portion of the population as, say, white people in South Africa today) were not based on race or even ethnic group, but on access to power. Minorities, thus, are those people with poor access to power." [17] Once again, as in the case of poverty, it is ultimately a question of empowerment. The provision of basic material needs is not sufficient to make minority groups and indigenous peoples feel they are truly part of the greater national entity. For that they have to be confident that they too have an active role to play in shaping the destiny of the state that demands their allegiance. Poverty degrades a whole society and threatens its stability while ethnic conflict and minority discontent are two of the greatest threats to both internal and regional peace. And when the dispossessed "minority" is in fact an overwhelming majority, as happens in countries where power is concentrated in the hands of the few, the threat to peace and stability is ever present even if unperceived. The Commission for a New Asia notes that: " ... the most rapid economic transformation is most likely to succeed within the context of international peace and internal political stability, in the presence of social tranquillity, public order and an enlightened and strong government; and in the absence of societal turbulence and disorder." [18] This comment highlights the link between economic, political and social concerns. But there is a danger that it could be interpreted to imply that peace, stability and public order are desirable only as conditions for facilitating economic transformation rather than as ends in themselves. Such an interpretation would distort the very meaning of peace and security. It could also be used to justify strong, even if unenlightened, government and any authoritarian measures such as a government may take in the name of public order. [19] If material betterment, which is but a means to human happiness, is sought in ways that wound the human spirit, it can in the long run only lead to greater human suffering. The vast possibilities that a market economy can open to developing countries can be realized only if economic reforms are undertaken within a framework that recognizes human needs. The Human Development Report makes the point that markets should serve people instead of people serving markets. Further: "... both state and market should be guided by the people. The two should work in tandem, and people should be sufficiently empowered to exert effective control over both." [20] Again we come back to empowerment. It decides how widespread will be the benefit of actions taken in the name of culture and development. And this in turn will decide the extent of the contribution such actions can make to genuine peace and stability. Democracy as a political system which aims at empowering the people is essential if sustained human development, which is "development of the people for the people by the people", is to be achieved. Thus it has been rightly said that: "National governments must find new ways of enabling their people to participate more in government and to allow them much greater influence on the decisions that affect their lives. Unless this is done, and done in time, the irresistible tide of peoples rising aspirations will inevitably clash with inflexible systems, leading to anarchy and chaos. A rapid democratic transition and a strengthening of the institutions of civil society are the only appropriate responses". [21] The argument that it took long years for the first democratic governments to develop in the west is not a valid excuse for African and Asian countries to drag their feet over democratic reform. The history of the world shows that peoples and societies do not have to pass through a fixed series of stages in the course of development. Moreover, latecomers should be able to capitalize on the experiences of the pioneers and avoid the mistakes and obstacles that impeded early progress. The idea of "making haste slowly" is sometimes used to give backwardness the appearance of measured progress. But in a fast developing world too much emphasis on "slowly" can be a recipe for disaster. There will be as many kinds of democracies as there are nations which accept it as a form of government. No single type of "western democracy" exists; nor is democracy limited to a mere handful of forms such as the American, British, French or Swiss. Each democratic country will have its own individual character- istics. With the spread of democracy to Eastern Europe the variety in the democratic style of government will increase. Similarly there cannot be one form of Asian democracy; in each country the democracy system will develop a character that accords with its social, cultural and economic needs. But the basic requirement of a genuine democracy is that the people should be sufficiently empowered to be able to participate significantly in the governance of their country. The thirty articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights are aimed at such empowerment. Without these rights democratic institutions will be but empty shells incapable of reflecting the aspirations of the people and unable to withstand the encroachment of authoritarianism. The democracy process provides for political and social change without violence. The democracy tradition of free discussion and debate allows for the settlement of differences without resort to armed conflict. The culture of democracy and human rights promotes diversity and dynamism without disintegration; it is indivisible from the culture of development and the culture of peace. It is only by giving firm support to movements that seek to empower the people through democratic means that the United Nations and its agencies will truly be able to promote the culture of peace and the culture of development. Let me in conclusion summarize my argument. The true development of human beings involves much more than mere economic growth. At its heart there must be a sense of empowerment and inner fulfillment. This alone will ensure that human and cultural values remain paramount in a world where political leadership is often synonymous with tyranny and the rule of a narrow elite. People's participation in social and political transformation is the central issue of our time. This can only be achieved through the establishment of societies which place human worth above power, and liberation above control. In this paradigm, development requires democracy, the genuine empowerment of the people. When this is achieved, culture and development will naturally coalesce to create an environment in which all are valued, and every kind of human potential can be realised. The alleviation of poverty involves processes which change the way in which the poor perceive themselves and the world. Mere material assistance is not enough; the poor must have the sense that they themselves can shape their own future. Most totalitarian regimes fear change, but the longer they put off genuine democratic reform the more likely it is that even their positive contributions will be vitiated: the success of national policies depends on the willing participation of the people. Democratic values and human rights, it is sometimes claimed, run counter to "national" culture, and all too often the people at large are seen as "unfit" for government. Nothing can be further from the truth. The challenge we now face is for the different nations and peoples of the world to agree on a basic set of human values, which will serve as a unifying force in the development of a genuine global community. True economic transformation can then take place in the context of international peace and internal political stability. A rapid democratic transition and strengthening of the institutions of civil society are the sine qua non for this development. Only then will we be able to look to a future where human beings are valued for what they are rather than for what they produce. If the UN and its agencies wish to assist this development they must support these movements which seek to empower the people, movements which are founded on democracy, and which will one day ensure a culture of peace and of development. FOOTNOTES [1] "Draft Preliminary Outline of the World Report on Culture and Development". UNESCO, CCD-III/94/Doc. 2, Paris, 7 Feb. 1994, p.16. [2] It has been pointed out that the idea of growth not as an end in itself but as a performance test of development was put forward by economists as early as the 1950s; Paul Streeten et al., "First Things First: Meeting Basic Human Needs in the Developing Countries", Oxford, 1982 edn. [3] Francois Perroux, "A New Concept of Development", UNESCO, Paris, 1983, p. 2. [4] Ibid., p. 180. [5] "Growth normally means quantifiable measure of a society's overall level of production or incomes such as GNP or GDP per capita, while development involves qualitative aspects of a society's advancement such as under- and un-employment, income distribution pattern, housing situation, nutritional level, sanitary condition, etc." UNDP Selected Sectoral Reviews: [Burma] December 1988, p. 333. [6] Human Development Report 1993, UNDP, Oxford, 1993, p. 1. [7] "Towards A New Asia", A Report of the Commission for A New Asia, 1994, p. 39. [8] "The logic of an economy governed by solvency and by profit, subject to the increasing value attached to capital and to the power of those who command it is to reject as 'non-economic' everything which cannot be immediately translated into quantities and prices in market terms": Paul-Marc Henry (ed.), "Poverty, Progress and Development", London, 1991, p. 30. [9] Streeten et al., "First Things First", p.19. [10] Henry (ed.), "Poverty, Progress and Development". p. 34. [11] The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Chicago, 1993 edn., vol. 16, p. 874. [12] Edward Said comments that governments in general use culture as a means of promoting nationalism: "To launder the cultural past and repaint it in garish nationalist colors that irradiate the whole society is now so much a fact of contemporary life as to be considered natural". See Edward Said, "Nationalism, Human Rights, and Interpretation", in Barbara Johnson (ed.), "Freedom and Interpretation": The Oxford Amnesty Lectures, 1992, New York, 1993, p. 191. [13] Harry M. Scoble and Laurie S. Wiseberg (eds.), "Access to Justice: Human Rights Struggles in South East Asia", London, 1985, p. 57. [14] See Clinton Rossiter's introduction to Hamilton, Madison and Jay, "The Federalist Papers", Chicago, 1961. I owe thanks to Lady Patricia Gore-Booth for the original quotation on which Rossiter presumably based his words: "Man's capacity for justice makes democracy possible; but man's inclination to injustice makes democracy necessary", from Reinhold Niebuhr's foreword to his "Children of Light and Children of Darkness: A Vindication of Democracy and a Critique of its Traditional Defence", London, 1945. [15] "The best government is that which governs least" are the words of a westerner, John L. O'Sullivan, but more than a thousand years before O'Sullivan was born it was already written in the Lao Tzu, A Chinese classic, that "the best of all rulers is but a shadowy presence to his subjects". The notion that "In a nation the people are the most important, the State is next and the rulers the least important" is to be found not in the works of a modern western political theorist but in that of Mencius. [16] Ehran Naraghi has shown in his memoirs, "From Palace to Prison: Inside the Iranian Revolution", London, 1994, that a critical attitude towards the monarch, decentralization of power and divisions of responsibilities were part of oriental tadition. His fascinating conversations with Shah Mohammed Reza Pahlavi throw into relief the dangers of cultural and development policies divorced from the aspirations of the people. [17] Ronald D. Renard, "Minorities in Burmese History", in K.M. de Silva et al. (eds.), "Ethnic Conflict in Buddhist Societies: Sri Lanka, Thailand and Burma", London, 1988, p. 79. [18] "Towards New Asia", p. 40. [19] "Practically any human behaviour can be, and historically has been, rationalized as threatening to damage the security of the nation": Scoble and Wiseberg (eds.), "Access to Justice", p. 58. [20] Human Development Report 1993, p. 53. [21] Ibid., p. 5. Scoble and Wiseberg (eds.), "Access to Justice", p. 5, point out the difference between fundamental reform that "involves a redistribution of power, a broadening of participation and influence in the making of authoritative decisions" and contingent reform that "involves a sharing of the benefits of power holding, or the uses of power, in order to avoid the sharing of power itself". http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=b69f496452ab404abf035fe09a2f2bf5 Sun, 16 Mar 2008 19:07:33 GMT 9489f5dd488544c98841d4b62342de65 The following is the edited text of the 11 th Pope Paul VI Memorial Lecture, written by Aung San Suu Kyi and delivered by her husband Dr Michael Aris on November 3, 1997 at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, London. 2008-03-16T19:25:55.9430000+01:00 I sincerely believe that all peoples and creeds can co-exist in peace, that whatever our race or religion, we can all learn to agree on certain basic values essential for the development of human society. 1 am not an authority on either Buddhism or development, but I am strongly concerned with the problems of human existence which fall within the realm of both subjects. In a nutshell, I shall be speaking not as an expert but as a Buddhist and a concerned participant in the process of human development. What do we mean by development? There was a time when development was measured purely in economic terms, but such is no longer the case. Now it is recognised that genuine development includes sociopolitical factors. Dare I suggest that true development should also comprise spiritual cultivation? Sulak Sivaraksa of Thailand, known as one of Asia's leading social thinkers, describes the "spirit of Buddhist development" as one "where the inner strength must be cultivated, along with compassion and loving kindness". He sees the goals of Buddhist development as "equality, love, freedom and liberation" and goes on to say that: ... the means for achieving these lie within the grasp of any community from a village to a nation - once its members begin the process of reducing selfishness. To do so, two realisations are necessary: an inner realisation concerning greed, hatred and delusion, and an outer realisation concerning the impact these tendencies have on society and the planet..... The qualities mentioned, both positive and negative, are not exclusive to Buddhist societies. It can be said that behind the materialism of developed countries lie greed, hatred and delusion. But there is also much of inner strength, compassion, loving kindness and strong support for equality and freedom to be found in these countries. Buddhists speak of the four "heavenly abodes" or divine states of mind: metta (loving kindness), karuna (compassion), mudita (sympathetic joy) and upekkha (equanamity). A wise colleague once remarked to me that upekkha is well-nigh impossible for most ordinary beings; therefore we should concentrate on cultivating loving kindness and compassion, and sympathetic joy would naturally follow. Perhaps it might be well to mention here that upekkha means much more than mere equanimity in the conventional sense. It stands for a perfectly balanced state of the mind and emotions, a balance between faith and intelligence, between energy and concentration, between wisdom and compassion. It is non-preferential without inclination towards excess in any direction. It is therefore understandable why upekkha is beyond the attainment of ordinary human beings with just ordinary capacties for controlling their minds and emotions. The other heavenly abodes, however, are well within our reach and germane to the ideal type of development, whether termed Christian or Buddhist. The first of the heavenly abodes, metta, loving kindness, plays a crucial part in the process of human development. While Buddhists speak of metta, Christians speak of Christian love. Both refer to disinterested love, a love that seeks to give and to serve, rather than to take and demand. Inherent in the concept of this kind of love is understanding, sympathy, forgiveness and courage. A Father Damien or a Mother Teresa give tender care, for "the love of Christ", to those whom humanity in general find physically repugnant, because Jesus had shown love and kindness towards the rejects of society, the lepers and the insane, the sick and the lame. The Lord Buddha too set examples for the practical application of loving kindness. Once when the Lord Buddha and his cousin Ananda came across a sick monk lying in his own filth they washed him and tended him. Then the Lord Buddha called the other monks together, admonished them,for neglecting their sick brethren and taught them that it was more important to care for the sick than to tend to him, the Buddha himself. Development projects should essentially be humanitarian labour on varying scales. Whether it is distributing milk powder to malnourished children or building a mega dam, it should be done with people in mind, people who need the balm of loving kindness to withstand the rigours of human existence. Projects undertaken for the sake of upping statistics or for love of grandiosity or praise, rather than for the love of live human beings with bodies that can be hurt, minds that can be damaged and hearts that can be bruised, seldom succeed in fostering the kind of development that enhances the quality of life. His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama is surely one of the leading authorities on, and practitioners of, loving kindness in our world today. He teaches us that: ... we are not lacking in terms of the development of science and technology; still, we lack something here in the heart - real inner warm feeling. A good heart is needed ... The problems human society is facing in terms of economic development, the crisis of energy, the tension between the poor and rich nations, and many geopolitical problems can be solved if we understand each others' fundamental humanity, respect each other's rights, share each other's problems and sufferings, and then make Joint effort... Things and events depend heavily on motivation. A real sense of appreciation of humanity, compassion and love are the key points. If we develop a good heart, then whether the field is science, agriculture, or politics, since motivation is so very important, these will all improve...... Once during my years of house arrest, one of the people who were - shall we say, "taking care of me"? - said in an accusing tone that 1 was always "on the side of the people". Yes, I said, that was so, because I would always stand by those who were weaker; they were the ones who needed support. But, came the query, what if the weaker side were in the wrong? In that case, I replied, I would try to correct them with metta. The only response to this was a somewhat pained smile. But later I asked myself what one would do if metta did not succeed in correcting those who were weak but quite patently in the wrong. The conclusion at which I arrived was that one would have to work at perfecting one's metta because perfect metta cannot fail. But then what about self-sacrifice which demands that one puts others before oneself? The work of relief and development agencies often involves a certain degree of self-sacrifice. This is where compassion, the second of the heavenly abodes, comes in. What causes men and women to leave comfortable homes and give up lucrative positions to go out to bleak, even devastated lands for the sake of bringing relief to peoples of an alien race and creed? The motivating factor is surely compassion. But compassion must be balanced by wisdom and wisdom must be balanced by compassion. This balance is essential that there might be harmony and that one might be able to make correct decisions for the general good. There are a number of Buddhist stories that illustrate the need for a healthy balance between compassion and wisdom. Of these stories, the following is one that I find most appealing. Once there lived a dragon at the foot of the Himalayas, a fierce dragon king that breathed fire and smoke and reduced creatures to ashes with his incendiary glare. He was not unnaturally the terror of all who dwelled in the region. One day while the dragon was in one of his less amicable moods, a bodhisattva came by. The dragon king proceeded to give a fine display of his propensity for violence, no doubt imagining that he would succeed in terrifying the holy one (not that the dragon understood anything of holiness) before reducing him to ashes. To his surprise, the bodhisattva showed no fear or apprehension but instead gave him a brief sermon on the joys of non-violence and compassion. The dragon king was instantly converted to the path of non-violence and decided that he would never again harm any being under any circumstances. Now, in an ideal world, that should be the happy end of the story. But ours is not an ideal world; it is a world conditioned by impermanence, suffering and the unresponsiveness of objects to one's wishes. When it dawned on the children who lived within the vicinity of the dragon's lair that the fire breathing monster had ceased to bristle with pyrotechnic ferocity, they began to approach it cautiously. Their confidence grew until they felt bold enough to touch the dragon king. On finding how docile the dragon king. On finding how docile and patient the dragon had become, the children handled it more roughly. Eventually the children got into the habit of ill-treating the dragon, making life a miserable for him. When the bodhisattva came by again, the dragon king complained of how unhappy he had been since following the path of nonviolence. The bodhisattva replied that this had come about because the dragon had not balanced compassion with wisdom: when the children became unruly, he should show his fire to stop them from proceeding to cruel acts. The dragon king's failure to balance compassion with wisdom had been harmful both to himself and to the children, who had been turned into little bullies by his excessive forbearance. The fruit of successful development proojects should be the greater happiness of the beneficiaries and the reward for those who planned and implemented the projects should be mudita that rejoices in the good fortune of others, free from envy or ill will. Fundamental to the kind of development that enhances the quality of 1ife is justice. If there is true loving kindness that regards all beings with equal benevolence, and there is compassion balanced by wisdom, justice wi11 surely not be lacking. And it will be the best kind of justice, that which is tempered by gentle mercy. There are peoples in East as in the West who think the worth of a society is measured by its material wealth and by impressive figures of growth, ignoring the injustices and the pain that might lie behind them. Then there are those who believe that development must be measured in terms of human happiness, of peace within the community and of harmony with the environment. And so we come back to loving kindness and Compassion. Paradise on earth is a concept which is outmoded and few people believe in it any more. But we can certainly seek to make our planet a better, happier home for all of us by constructing the heavenly abodes of love and compassion in our hearts. Beginning with this inner development we can go on to the development of the external world with courage and wisdom. -END- [Article on the speech of 7th November, 1997] Heavenly Abodes and Human Development The Tablet November 8, 1997 Buddhist heroine gives CAFOD lecture "Heavenly abodes and human development" was the theme chosen by the Nobel Peace Prize winner Aung San Suu Kyi for this year's Pope Paul VI Memorial Lecture in London. In it she described the Buddhist approach to charity and social justice. It is the first time that a non- Christian has given the lecture. As the leader of Burma's pro-democracy movement she is not permitted to travel abroad by the country's military regime, so the lecture, organised by the Catholic aid agency CAFOD and sponsored by The Tablet, was delivered by her husband, Dr. Michael Aris, of ST. Anthony's College, Oxford. >From a Buddhist perspective, Aung San Suu Kyi said, compassion and common sense should underlie the struggle for social justice. She sincerely believed that "all peoples and creeds can coexist in peace, that whatever our race or religion we can all learn to agree on certain basic values essential for the development of human society". She spoke, she said, as an "ordinary, imperfect human being with an ordinary, average knowledge of the religion into which she was born". But though not an expert, she was "a concerned participant in the process of human development". Besides its economic, social and political aspects, true development should include spiritual cultivation, she argued. She described the "heavenly abodes" or divine states of mind which Buddhists recognize. The first, metta, or loving kindness, she linked to Christian love. It was, she said, "a love that seeks to give and to serve, rather than to take and demand". Those with responsibility for development projects should bear in mind that people need "the balm of loving-kindness to withstand the rigours of human existence". "Projects undertaken for the sake of upping statistics", she said, "or for love of grandiosity or praise, rather than for the love of live human beings with bodies that can be hurt, minds that can be damaged and hearts that can be bruised, seldom succeed in fostering the kind of development that enhances the quality of life." "Charity" meant "love" she pointed out, and nothing could make up for the lack of it ? "no amount of money or technical expertise or scientific knowledge or industry or vision." Perfect metta could not fail, for it implied a balance, "a state of mind that embraces all beings with loving kindness, favouring neither oneself nor others." The second "heavenly abode" was compassion, karuna. It had been defined as "the quivering of the heart in response to others' suffering, the wish to remove painful circumstances from the lives of other beings". It was one aspect of Enlightenment; the other was wisdom. "Compassion must be balanced by wisdom and wisdom must be balanced by compassion." She told the Buddhist story of a dragon-king who lived at the foot of the Himalayas. One day, a holy man, or Bodhisattva came by who showed no fear of the dragon-king's penchant for turning people to ashes, and gave him "a brief sermon on the joys of non-violence and compassion". The dragon- king was converted. When the children who lived nearby learned how peaceful the dragon-king had become, they grew in confidence and began to ill-treat him. When the Bodhisattva came again, the dragon- king complained how unhappy he had become as a result of his new-found non-violence. The Bodhisattva replied that "this had come about because the dragon had not balanced compassion with wisdom: when the children became unruly he should show his fire to stop them from proceeding to cruel acts." Aung San Suu Kyi noted that in the world of charities and development work, compassionate people who lack wisdom can be taken advantage of. The third "heavenly abode" was sympathetic joy or mudita. Aung San Suu Kyi said that development projects should lead to greater happiness, and that those who planned them should feel mudita about the good fortune of the beneficiaries. Fundamental to the sort of development which enhances the quality of life is justice, she said; hence the importance of the struggle for human rights in which she had been so deeply engaged. Democratic development meant "development of the people, for the people, by the people". It was "the antithesis of the idea that development should be defined and directed by governments". There were people in East and West, she said "who think the worth of a society is measured by its material wealth and by impressive figures of growth, ignoring the injustices and pain that might lie behind them". But development "must be measured in terms of human happiness, of peace within the community and of harmony with the environment". She declared: "All barriers of race and religion can be overcome when people work together on common endeavours based on love and compassion. Together we can help to develop a happier, better world where greed and ill will and selfishness are minimised. This is not impractical idealism: it is a down-to-earth recognition of our greatest needs." It might be necessary to defy despotic governments, to stand up to oppression. The planet could be made a better place "by constructing the heavenly abodes of love and compassion in our hearts". Beginning with that inner development, people could go on "to the development of the external world with courage and wisdom." The annual Paul VI Memorial Lecture was started by CAFOD to commemorate Pope Paul VI's encyclical letter Populorum Progressio ("On the development of peoples") Previous lectures have included the then President of Ireland, Mary Robinson; Cardinal Paulo Evaristo Arns of Brazil; ;the then president of the European Commission, Jacques Delors; the liberation theologian Jon Sobrino SK; and the late Archbishop Derek Worlock of Liverpool. http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=9489f5dd488544c98841d4b62342de65 Sun, 16 Mar 2008 18:25:55 GMT 94675468d20a4d9fbd04ae02702c8570 2008-03-16T20:13:39.1330000+01:00 Over the last couple weeks, The Irrawaddy has conducted two exclusive interviews with Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi. "I want to see unity." Aung San Suu Kyi speaks with Irrawaddy Editor Aung Zaw about the continuing process of national reconcilliation. "I see us in five years’ time as struggling, but I hope struggling happily and with liberty." Tony Broadmoor sits down with Aung San Suu Kyi at the National League for Democracy headquarters in Rangoon. Aung San Suu Kyi: "I want to see unity" In an exclusive interview with The Irrawaddy, Aung San Suu Kyi spoke over the telephone with Editor-in-Chief, Aung Zaw. Burma's pro-democracy leader discusses the next steps that are required for national reconciliation, Burma's relationship with Thailand, the role of the press, and called for the unity of all the peoples of Burma. Q: The military government and your party have both said that the phase of confidence building is over. But there is still a lack of confidence between the people and the government. Can you explain more about the confidence-building process? A: We can consider the situation in this way: Trust building is a never-ending process. It is a continuing process even between a democratic government and its peoples. We hear it so often. When the people lose trust in the government, it loses power in the next election. If we think about trust building in this way, it is something that has to be carried out on a continuing basis. We accept this as a fact. But what we are specifically referring to is the confidence building (not trust building) that started in 2000 between the Burmese military junta and the NLD. Q: What about restrictions imposed on you and the NLD? Have the authorities lifted restrictions on you and the NLD? If there are no restrictions, can you publish a newspaper? Press freedom is very important and I believe it must play a role to promote democracy and national reconciliation. Burmese people have a lot of things to discuss in the media. A: First of all, I have not heard the regime mention anything about lifting restrictions on the NLD. My release has been unconditional …. The regime has not said that all restrictions on the rights of the NLD have been taken away. That’s why we have stated up until now that we will work for the freedom of not only the NLD but also other political parties. Regarding the dissemination of information, we will apply for the right (to publish a party newspaper). We have a plan (to do so). We’ll see whether this will be allowed. As you mentioned, we have already accepted that there must be freedom of expression and (dissemination of information through media) to bring about a democracy. Q: What do you think of the Myanmar Times? Have they ever approached you for an interview? A: A reporter from the Myanmar Times came to my press conference when I was released on May 6. We know that it is not only us but also the Myanmar Times that has to endure censorship. Q: There have been continuous human rights violations taking place in the provinces and in prisons. The NLD always spoke out against these human rights abuses in the past in official statements. Will you continue to raise these issues? Do you have any plans to cooperate with the government in order to reduce these abuses? A: Regarding the release of political prisoners, we have prioritized it as one of the most crucial issues—that they are all released unconditionally and at the earliest possible date. The Burmese junta knows it as well. This happens to be one of the things that I have mentioned again and again since I was released. We are totally frustrated at the slow progress in the release of political prisoners. We want them to be released immediately and unconditionally. The fact that we have not issued any statements (regarding the status of the talks) is not because there was an official agreement (between the junta and the NLD). Let’s just say it is an understanding. In an effort to build trust during the confidence-building stage, the regime stopped publishing slanderous articles about us; it was their own decision, and not because we asked them to do so. When the authorities stopped attacking us, in return we also stopped criticizing the activities of the regime by discontinuing our statements. However, this does not mean that we have stopped speaking out against the injustices and human rights abuses. We have informed those who should be informed on these matters. Q: I now want to ask you about Asean and Thailand. What do you think of Mahathir Mohamed's back door policy toward Burma? What is your opinion of the Thaksin Shinawatra government in Thailand? A: Regarding the peoples of Asean, we deem it best if we can all build close friendship among ourselves. Particularly, Thailand is one of our neighboring countries. This is not going to change; it will be our neighbor as long as the world exists. That’s why it is of the utmost importance to develop a good relationship with a neighbor (like Thailand). My take is that we’ll have to wait and see at the moment. It’s a little too early to comment. I think that Thailand has changed its stance with regard to the NLD, which has been working for democracy inside Burma. I mean the change has been positive. However, it is still too early to say much in regard to this question. Q: In 1995, you have said that Thai people were supportive of the democracy movement in Burma. A: I truly have a positive outlook on the peoples of Thailand. We want them to reciprocate in the name of understanding and friendship. I understand that our problems spill over the border. All of us will have to cooperate so as to prevent such spillovers happening in the future. Q: What do you think of exiled activists, politicians and organizations? Do you think they will have a role in Burma in the future? A: All the people of Burma will have a role in the future of our country. If anyone wishes to participate (in the affairs of the country), he will have opportunities. But if you ask me what I think about organizations both within and outside the country, what I want to say is, I want to see unity. Because we have so many organizations, we can experience differences in opinions. We all want democracy. If we cannot bring about unity and understanding at a crunch time like this, it will be more difficult to do so when we return to normalcy. Q: You are now rebuilding the NLD party. How do you respond to the criticism that the party’s leadership is aging and that mid-level leadership is not strong enough to replace older leaders? A: I don’t see it that way. I don’t understand why we are asked sometimes why the older leadership is not replaced with young blood. It is true that the NLD leaders are old, but they are quite competent. In addition, it is the youth and those in middle age who have always supported our work. I believe that if they are very competent and clever, they will have opportunities in the future to make it to the top. This interview was conducted by phone. It was also broadcast on Radio Free Asia [RFA]. [Top] "I see us in five years’ time as struggling, but I hope struggling happily and with liberty." Freshly released from nearly two years under house arrest, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi sits down with Tony Broadmoor for an exclusive interview at the National League for Democracy (NLD) headquarters in Rangoon. Speaking shortly after a trip to the party’s office in Shwe Pyi Thar—the first time in 13 years that she has been free to visit another NLD office—she discusses the current state of the NLD and the challenges that lie ahead. Q: You have an incredible grassroots following right now that seems to be nearly 100 percent when you go around the country and talk to people. I realize the majority of these people are not registered members of the NLD or other opposition parties. How can you harness this force? What needs to happen to make these voices heard? A: Well, this is the main reason why we have been working for the rights of political parties to operate freely, because in any country the only way you get the people to have a voice is through political parties, and that is our prime motive in asking that political parties be allowed to operate freely. This is why the NLD has been struggling over these last years to carry on, that we may have the opportunity to give a voice to these people. Mind you, I don’t think we are the only political party that can do it. I think especially in the ethnic nationality areas they have their own parties, which should be allowed to operate freely. Q: During the 20 months of the talks, did you detect an element of sincerity from the generals? Was there any change in their attitude compared to your previous encounters? A: I think you have to say there is a change in their attitude; otherwise we wouldn’t be where we are. And as to the matter of sincerity, this is for time to give the answer. Q: Do you see your release as a face-saving gesture for the United Nations and the SPDC, or is it a genuine sign of progress? What do you think of the role of the UN special envoy? A: I don’t think it was a face-saving gesture for either, because I don’t think it is face saving that is involved. We have faith in Mr Razali’s goodwill, but certainly we have confidence that the United Nations wants what is best for Burma and that the United Nations wants to implement what is spelled out in the United Nations’ resolution on Burma. And we look upon Mr Razali as a man of integrity who is truly interested in bringing about desirable change, so I certainly don’t think this is a face-saving gesture on his part and on the part of the SPDC. Q: What might push the SPDC to change? A: I think the impetus behind any decision to change is the realization that either change is really for the best and you accept what is for the best, or you see that change is inevitable and you decide to gracefully go the way of change. This is usually the reason why people change—because they think it is for the better or because they think they cannot avoid it. Q: Do you feel that there are members of the regime who recognize the magnitude of Burma’s social and economic crises and truly want peace and change, but are afraid to speak up—people who ultimately support you and what you stand for? A: I don’t know whether there are people [in the military] who support me, or who support the NLD, but certainly I’d think there must be people who realize the enormity of our economic and social problems. Whether or not they dare to speak up, and why they would not dare to speak up if they do not dare, that one would only know if you had an inside knowledge of the regime, which I certainly do not have. Q: You have stated that your release was "unconditional". However, [NLD Secretary] U Lwin told me earlier this week that the government did set one condition: that you are "not permitted to disturb the peaceful situation in the country". Can you comment on this? A: Well, I think you will have to ask U Lwin about it because I don’t know to what he is referring at all. Q: You are now calling for an immediate start to the next step of the reconciliation process. Have there been any developments over the past few days? A: We have nothing to say about that. Q: In 1999 you said that you felt it would not take another ten years for democracy to come to Burma. Do you have any vision of Burma five years from now? A: I am not a visionary . . . I can just see us working harder in five years time because this is what everybody has got to be prepared for, to work harder and when we get democracy we have to work even harder. There seems to be this perception in some circles that once we get democracy, we can all sit back and take it easy, but it is nothing like that at all. It means that once we get democracy we have to work very, very hard, much harder than we have ever worked, because we will then have the opportunity to be free to work and we need to work in order to catch up, because we have fallen behind so very badly over the past decades. So I see us in five years’ time as struggling, but I hope struggling happily and with liberty. Q: What is the next step for the National League for Democracy? A: Well, the present step at the moment (is to) work very hard to do exactly the sort of thing you were talking about when you asked the first question. To ensure that we are in touch with the people so we can act as their voice, or rather, so that we can make their voice heard. This is why we started reorganizing the party and reopening party offices—not just for the simple joy of hanging up the party signboard, but because we want to be able to work and we want to be able to get to the people. Just now I was at one of our townships reorganizing the youth committee there. We want more young people to be involved because this is our future. And I am very pleased that in spite of all the difficulties, we have young people coming forward prepared to take up responsibilities in the youth wing of the NLD. And we have been reorganizing our township committees. Then we want to go right down to the village and ward level so that exactly the sort of people you are talking about can make their voice heard through us. They can tell us what they want us to do, so that the lines of communication are open. Q: There seems to be a lack of political consciousness among people under 20 in Burma. Are some of the people joining these committees between 18-25? A: Yes, teenagers. Most of our new recruits are around that age because our youth wing does not take people after the age of 35. We have to keep filling the places. We have to keep getting new people. We manage. This morning I was taking a look at our new youth committee. There were 14 on the committee and I would have thought that at least half of them were under the age of 25, but I don’t know this just by looking. Some of them look very young. Previously we limited membership of our youth wing to 30 because I think this is the international norm for youth clubs, youth committees. But we extended it to 35 because of the difficulties of getting young people—especially after the regime made it practically impossible for university students to join political organizations. So we extended it to 35, but a couple of years ago I started reorganizing the committees with this in mind. I think some who were 35-plus were not too happy about it, but we have to stop somewhere. Otherwise, you know, our chairman will be a member of the youth wing if we keep on extending it 35-40, 40-45 and go on like that. So I can see the danger of professional youth members. Q: You have said since your release that your stance on sanctions, humanitarian aid and tourism has remained unchanged. The issue of humanitarian aid is obviously a sensitive one, one that needs to be addressed in the near term. A: We will keep looking into this issue in a very practical way. We want to look into some of the humanitarian aid projects which are going on in Burma, and we would like to see how effective they are and whether they are getting aid to the right people in the right way. This is something that we keep reiterating—that it is not just a matter of giving aid, but it has to be given to the right people in the right way, which is to say it has be given to the those who really need it, in a way that will strengthen civil society, not in a way which will entrench the people in the mode of totalitarian rule. Q: Would you support increased humanitarian aid if it could be proven that it was being delivered directly to those in need and not prolonging the regime’s grip on power? A: Well we have never said no to humanitarian aid as such. We have always said humanitarian aid must be given to the right people in the right way, which of course calls for accountability and transparency. And of course we always say that the minimum necessary requirement is independent monitoring, and this has been our stand throughout. If people thought that we simply said no to humanitarian aid it was a misunderstanding of our position, because we have never said that. We have always said that humanitarian aid must be given to the right people in the right way. That would mean there is a need for transparency and accountability and there must be independent monitoring to ensure that there is accountability. Q: Some of the aid people I have spoken to are worried that an influx of new international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) could make things more difficult for those already here. What do you think of these concerns? A: Surely they should not be so much concerned about their role as concerned about the general humanitarian situation. This is something that we worry about—that there are some organizations that are a little bit more concerned about their position, rather than about the common goal. This is human nature. I don’t think that just because you belong to an INGO you are absolutely without failings of any kind. Q: Do you see a federalist nation for the future of Burma? A: We think that to be a true and lasting union it would have to be of a federalist nature. I think it is important that the people of Burma understand what federal means. The word federal has unhappy connotations because for some reason during the early days of independence the perception of the people in Burma and in general—that is to say, those who were interested in such matters and understood federalism—they understood federal to mean a system under which each state could opt to secede from the union. This was the unfortunate misunderstanding that has made federal such a dangerous concept in Burma. We have been trying to explain over the years, that is not what federal means. Federal simply means the division of powers between the central government and the state governments, and that the constitution makes it clear what powers the central government has and what powers the state government has and who is responsible for anything that could be termed residual powers. If there is a conflict of interest, there should be a constitutional method, usually through the judiciary, whereby this conflict can be resolved. So this is what federalism is. But unhappily, people in Burma do not understand this. There is still this hangover from the early days when federal was taken to mean the right to secede. But as you probably know, the ethnic nationalities are not asking for secession. They are just asking for their rights within a true federal union. Q: At Karen National Day this year they were saying "independence no, federalism yes". A: I think that this is something which is very encouraging for the future of Burma, because the ethnic nationalities I believe are keen to build up a strong and lasting union. This is a very good sign. Q: You have stressed the need for further releases of political prisoners. Has there been any word on Min Ko Naing or U Win Tin? A: Ten prisoners were released yesterday, but certainly no word on U Win Tin or Min Ko Naing. We are very anxious that all political prisoners should be released unconditionally and as soon as possible. That has always been our stand. Irrawaddy.org http://www.irrawaddy.org/ http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=94675468d20a4d9fbd04ae02702c8570 Sun, 16 Mar 2008 19:13:39 GMT 76e8d119f722424fb7f6a2a7f50dca44 2008-03-16T19:17:42.4130000+01:00 la giunta militare ha esteso sabato gli arresti domiciliari della leader birmana Aung San Suu Kyi per un altro anno,Suu Kyi si era incontrata con il sottosegretario ONU Gambari United Nations la scorsa settimana e alcuni membri dell'NLD si erano dichiarati ottimisti circa la sua liberazione,National League for Democracy (dopo che il Segretario Generale ONU UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan appealed directly . fonti anonime riferiscono che l'incontro tra Suu Kyi e funzionari governativi per discutere i termini del suo rilascio non abbiano portato a conclusioni positive tanto da indurre il governo a imporre un altro anno di arresti. . l'opposizione birmana ha condannato l'estensione degli arresti domiciliari. infatti l'NLD ha denunciato la decisione del governo di esterdere tali arresti per un altro anno e ha dichiarato illegale tale decisione avvisando che questa potrebbe danneggiare il processo di riconciliazione. http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=76e8d119f722424fb7f6a2a7f50dca44 Sun, 16 Mar 2008 18:17:42 GMT 90587ffa95ef4a6bab49b16d3ea876bf This is one of a yearlong series of letters, the Japanese translation of which appears in the Mainichi Shimbun the same day, or the previous day in some areas. 2008-03-16T20:01:02.2270000+01:00 Letter from Burma (No. 6) by Aung San Suu Kyi Mainichi Daily News Sunday, December 31, 1995 PRISON WALLS AFFECT THOSE ON THE OUTSIDE, TOO "Young Birds Outside Cages" There is a well-known book by Ludu U Hla, one of the foremost literary figures of modern Burma, about the heart-rending fate of young prisoners. The title of this book translates literally as Caged Young Birds or Young Birds Inside Cages. During the last seven years many young people have been put into the prisons of Burma for their part in the democracy movement. But it is not about them that I would like to write today, it is about the other young people, those who are left outside when one, or in a few cases both, of their parents are imprisoned for their political beliefs. êThroughout the years of my house arrest my family was living in a freed society and I could rest assures that they were economically secure and safe from any kind of persecution. The vast majority of my colleagues who were imprisoned did not have the comfort of such an assurance. They knew well that their families were in an extremely vulnerable position, in constant danger of interrogations, house searches, general harassment and interference with their means of livelihood. For those prisoners with young children it was particularly difficult. In Burma those who are held to endanger state security can be arrested under a section of the law that allows detention without trials for a maximum period of three years. And prisoners who have not been tried are not entitled to visits from their families. A number of political prisoners who were placed in jail for their part in the democracy movement were kept without trial for more than two years. For more than two years they did not see their families at all. Only after they were tried and sentenced were they allowed family visits: these visits, permitted once a fortnight, lasted for a mere 15 minutes at a time. Two years is a long time in the life of a child. It is long enough to forget a parent who has vanished from sight. It is long enough for boys and girls to grow up into young adolescents. It is long enough to turn a carefree youngster into a troubled human being. Fifteen minutes once a fortnight is not enough to reverse the effects on a child of the sudden absence of one of the two people to whom it has habitually looked for protection and guidance. Nor is it enough to bridge the gap created by a long separation. A political prisoner failed to recognize in the teen-ager who came to see him on the first family visit after more than two years in detention the young son he had left behind. It was a situation that was familiar to me. When I saw my younger son again for the first time after a separation of two years and seven months he had changed from a round faced not-quite-12-year-old into a rather stylish "cool' teen-ager. If I had met him in the street I would not have known him for my little son. Political prisoners have to speak to their families through a double barrier of iron grating and wire netting so that no physical contact is possible. The children of one political prisoner would make small holes in the netting and push their fingers through to touch their father. When the holes got visibly large the jail authorities had them patched up with thin sheets of tin. The children would start all over again trying to bore a hole through to their father: it is not the kind of activity one would wish for any child. I was not the only woman political detainee in Burma: there have been -- and their still remain -- a number of other women imprisoned for their political beliefs. Some of these women had young children who suddenly found themselves in the care of fathers worried sick for their wives and totally unused to running a household. Most of the children, except for those who were too young to understand what was going on, suffered from varying degrees of stress. Some children who went to elitist schools found that their schoolmates avoided them and that even teachers treated them with a certain reserve: it did not do to demonstrate sympathy for the offspring of political prisoners and it was considered particularly shocking if the prisoner was a woman. Some children were never taken on visits to prison as it was thought the experience would be too traumatic for them so for years they were totally deprived of all contact with their mothers. Some children who needed to be reassured that their mothers still existed would be taken on a visit to the prison only to be deeply disturbed by the sight of their mothers looking wan and strange in their white jail garb. When the parents are released from prison it is still not the end of the story. The children suffer from a gnawing anxiety that their fathers and mothers might once again be taken away and placed out of their reach behind several barriers of brick and iron. They have known what it is like to be young birds fluttering helplessly outside the cages that shut their parents away from them. They know that there will be security for their families as long as freedom of thought and freedom of political action are not guaranteed by the law of the land. http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=90587ffa95ef4a6bab49b16d3ea876bf Sun, 16 Mar 2008 19:01:02 GMT f6344a6ce7d9458eb529151124401cb1 This is one of a yearlong series of letters, the Japanese translation of which appears in the Mainichi Shimbun the same day, or the previous day in some areas. 2008-03-16T20:05:23.4900000+01:00 Letter From Burma (No.4) By Aung San Suu Kyi Thamanya: A Place of Peace and Kindness "At Thamanya (2)" "Love and truth can move people more than coercion" On our second day at Thamanya we rose at three o'clock in the morning: we wanted to serve the Hsayadaw his first meal of the day which he takes at four o'clock. We had expected that we would all be suffering from the aftereffects of the cavortings of the Pajero but in fact we had all slept extremely well and suffered from no aches or pains. When we stepped out into the street it was still dark. Going out before dawn had been a constant feature of the campaign trips I had undertaken between the autumn of 1988 and the time when I was placed under house arrest. But I have never ceased to be moved by the sense of the world lying quiescent and vulnerable, waiting to be awakened by the light of the new day quivering just beyond the horizon. The Hsayadaw had spent the night at his residence on the hill and when we went up he came out of his small bedroom, his face clear and his eyes bright. With a glowing smile he spoke of the importance of looking upon the world with joy and sweetness. After we had served the Hsayadaw his breakfast we went to offer lights at the twin pagodas on the summit of the hill. On the platform around the pagodas were a few people who had spent the whole night there in prayer. There is a beauty about candlelight that cannot be equaled by the most subtle electric lamps; and there is an immense satisfaction about setting the flames dancing on 50 white candles, creating a blazing patch of brightness in the gray of early morning. It was an auspicious start to the working day. I had expressed an interest in seeing the two schools within the domain of Thamanya and after breakfast (another vegetarian banquet) we were greatly surprised and honored to learn that the Hsayadaw himself would be taking us to look at the institutions. He is very conscious of the importance of education and arranges for the pupils to be brought in by bus from the outlying areas. First we went to the middle school at Wekayin Village. It is a big rickety wooden building on stilts and the whole school assembled on the beaten earth floor between the stilts to pay their respects to the Hsayadaw, who distributed roasted beans to everybody. Three hundred and seventy five children are taught by 13 teachers struggling with a dearth of equipment. The headmaster is a young man with an engaging directness of manner who talked, without the slightest trace of self-pity or discouragement, about the difficulties of acquiring even such basic materials as textbooks. Of course the situation of Wekayin middle school is no different from that of schools all over Burma but it seemed especially deserving of assistance because of the dedication of the teachers and the happy family atmosphere. The elementary school is in Thayagone village and on our way there we stopped to pick up some children who sat in our car demurely with suppressed glee on their faces, clutching their bags and lunch boxes. When we reached the school they tumbled out merrily and we followed them along a picturesque lane overhung with flowering climbers. The school itself is a long, low bungalow, smaller than the middle school, and there are only three teachers in charge of 230 pupils. As at Wekayin, roasted beans were distributed and the little ones munched away in silence while the Hsayadaw told us of his plans to replace both schools with more solid brick buildings and we discussed ways and means of providing adequate teaching materials. All too soon it was time for us to leave Thamanya. The Hsayadaw came halfway with us along the road leading out of his domain. Before he turned back we queued up beside his car to take our leave and he blessed each of us individually. There was much for us to think about as we drove away toward Paan. (We were no longer in the Pajero: It had been sent ahead with the heaviest members of our party in it in the hope that their combined weight would help to keep it from plunging too wildly.) The mere contrast between the miles of carelessly constructed and ill maintained roads we had traveled from Rangoon and the smoothness of the roads of Thamanya had shown us that no project could be successfully implemented without the willing cooperation of those concerned. People will contribute both hard work and money cheerfully if they are handled with kindness and care and if they are convinced that their contributions will truly benefit the public. The works of the Hsayadaw are upheld by the donations of devotees who know beyond the shadow of a doubt that everything that is given to him will be used for the good of others. How fine it would be if such a spirit of service were to spread across the land. Some have questioned the appropriateness of talking about such matters as metta (loving kindness) and thissa (truth) in the political context. But politics is about people and what we had seen in Thamanya proved that love and truth can move people more strongly than any form of coercion. http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=f6344a6ce7d9458eb529151124401cb1 Sun, 16 Mar 2008 19:05:23 GMT 67a901bbf3524f1e9ffcd37c27e3de94 2008-03-16T19:19:19.3830000+01:00 MESSAGGIO DI WALTER VELTRONI, SINDACO DI ROMA SU AUNG SAN SUU KYI Da anni, ormai, la signora Aung San Suu Kyi stata espropriata dal regime che domina la Birmania del diritto di esercitare il suo mandato politico. Costretta per molto tempo agli arresti domiciliari, la leader dellâ? opposizione democratica sta continuando, in ogni modo possibile, la sua battaglia per la libertà e i diritti del popolo birmano. Nei mesi scorsi, in occasione del 60° compleanno della Signora Suu Kyi, il mondo è tornato a parlare di lei e della situazione intollerabile a cui¨ sottoposto il popolo birmano. La sfida è¨ far si che la sorte della Signora Suu Kyi, delle migliaia di prigionieri politici ancora oggi nelle carceri birmane e di milioni di birmani, non torni nellâ? indifferenza. Anche per questo lo scorso 19 luglio la città di Roma, che le ha concesso la cittadinanza onoraria, ha ospitato una mostra promossa da Amnisty International che vuole ricordare a tutti la grave e persistente situazione di violazione dei diritti umani di cui è responsabile il regime militare al potere in Birmania. L'iniziativa di oggi, quindi, è un modo per continuare ad adoperarci affinchè l'Italia sia in prima linea, all'interno dell'Unione Europea e in tutte le sedi internazionali appropriate, nell'azione di isolamento nei confronti del regime birmano e nel sostegno alla coraggiosa lotta della signora Aun San Suu Kyi, nella speranza di poterla presto ospitare a Roma e festeggiare la sua libertà e quella di tutto il popolo birmano. http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=67a901bbf3524f1e9ffcd37c27e3de94 Sun, 16 Mar 2008 18:19:19 GMT 95353f042a2b46dd82a0022304564127 2008-03-16T20:11:53.6630000+01:00 Opening Keynote Address Read on video to the NGO Forum on Women, Beijing, China, August 31, 1995 by Aung San Suu Kyi It is a wonderful but daunting task that has fallen on me to say a few words by way of opening this Forum, the greatest concourse of women (joined by a few brave men!) that has ever gathered on our planet. I want to try and voice some of the common hopes which firmly unite us in all our splendid diversity. But first I would like to explain why I cannot be with you in person today. Last month I was released from almost six years of house arrest. The regaining of my freedom has in turn imposed a duty on me to work for the freedom of other women and men in my country who have suffered far more - and who continue to suffer far more - than I have. It is this duty which prevents me from joining you today. Even sending this message to you has not been without difficulties. But the help of those who believe in international cooperation and freedom of expression has enabled me to overcome the obstacles. They made it possible for me to make a small contribution to this great celebration of the struggle of women to mould their own destiny and to influence the fate of our global village. The opening plenary of this Forum will be presenting an overview of the global forces affecting the quality of life of the human community and the challenges they pose for the global community as a whole and for women in particular as we approach the twenty-first century. However, with true womanly understanding the Convener of this Forum suggested that among these global forces and challenges, I might wish to concentrate on those matters which occupy all my waking thoughts these days: peace, security, human rights and democracy. I would like to discuss these issues particularly in the context of the participation of women in politics and governance. For millenia women have dedicated themselves almost exclusively to the task of nurturing, protecting and caring for the young and the old, striving for the conditions of peace that favour life as a whole. To this can be added the fact that, to the best of my knowledge, no war was ever started by women. But it is women and children who have always suffered most in situations of conflict. Now that we are gaining control of the primary historical role imposed on us of sustaining life in the context of the home and family, it is time to apply in the arena of the world the wisdom and experience thus gained in activities of peace over so many thousands or years. The education and empowerment of women throughout the world cannot fail to result in a more caring, tolerant, just and peaceful life for all. If to these universal benefits of the growing emancipation of women can be added the "peace dividend" for human development offered by the end of the Cold War, spending less on the war toys of grown men and much more on the urgent needs of humanity as a whole, then truly the next millenia will be an age the like to which has never been seen in human history. But there still remain many obstacles to be overcome before we can achieve this goal. And not least among these obstacles are intolerance and insecurity. This year is the International Year for Tolerance. The United Nations has recognised that "tolerance, human rights, democracy and peace are closely related. Without tolerance, the foundations for democracy and respect for human rights cannot be strenghened, and the achievements of peace will remain elusive." My own experience during the years I have been engaged in the democracy movement in Burma has convinced me of the need to emphasize the positive aspects of tolerance. It is not enough simply to "live and let live": genuine tolerance requires an active effort to try to understand the point of view of others; it implies broadmindedness and vision, as well as confidence in one's own ability to meet new challenges without resorting to intransigence or violence. In societies where men are truly confident of their own worth women are not merely "tolerated," they are valued. Their opinions are listened to with respect, they are given their rightful place in shaping the society in which they live. There is an outmoded Burmese proverb still recited by men, who wish to deny that women too can play a part in bringing necessary change and progress to their society: "The dawn rises only when the rooster crows." But Burmese people today are well aware of the scientific reason behind the rising of dawn and the falling of dusk. And the intelligent rooster surely realizes that it is because dawn comes that it crows and not the other way round. It crows to welcome the light that has come to relieve the darkness of night. It is not the prerogative of men alone to bring light to this world: women with their capacity for compassion and self-sacrifice, their courage and perseverence, have done much to dissipate the darkness of intolerance and hate, suffering and despair. Often the other side of the coin of intolerance is insecurity. Insecure people tend to be intolerant, and their intolerance unleashes forces that threaten the security of others. And where there is no security there can be no lasting peace. In its Human Development Report for last year, the UNDP noted that human security "is not a concern with weapons - it is a concern with human life and dignity." The struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma is a struggle for life and dignity. It is a struggle that encompasses our political, social and economic aspirations. The people of my country want the two freedoms that spell security: freedom from want and freedom from war. It is want that has driven so many of our young girls across our borders to a life of sexual slavery where they are subject to constant humiliation and ill-treatment. It is fear of persecution for their political beliefs that has made so many of our people feel that even in their own homes they cannot live in dignity and security. Traditionally the home is the domain of the woman. But there has never been a guarantee that she can live out her life there safe and unmolested. There are countless women who are subjected to severe cruelty within the heart of the family which should be their haven. And in times of crisis when their menfolk are unable to give them protection, women have to face the harsh challenges of the world outside while continuing to discharge their duties within the home. Many of my male colleagues who have suffered imprisonment for their part in the democracy movement have spoken of the great debt of gratitude they owe their womenfolk, particularly their wives, who stood by them firmly, tender as mothers nursing their newly born, brave as lionesses defending their young. These magnificent human beings who have done so much to aid their men in the struggle for justice and peace-how much more could they not achieve if given the opportunity to work in their own right for the good of their country and of the world? Our endeavours have also been sustained by the activities of strong and principled women all over the world who have campaigned not only for my own release but, more importantly, for our cause. I cannot let this opportunity pass without speaking of the gratitude we feel towards our sisters everywhere, from heads of governments to busy housewives. Their efforts have been a triumphant demonstration of female solidarity and of the power of an ideal to cross all frontiers. In my country at present, women have no participation in the higher levels of government and none whatsoever in the judiciary. Even within the democratic movement only 14 out of the 485 MPs elected in 1990 were women-all from my own party, the National League for Democracy. These 14 women represent less than 3 percent of the total number of successful candidates. They, like their male colleagues, have not been permitted to take office, since the outcome of those elections has been totally ignored. Yet the very high performance of women in our educational system and in the management of commercial enterprises proves their enormous potential to contribute to the betterment of society in general. Meanwhile our women have yet to achieve those fundamental rights of free expression, association and security of life denied also to their menfolk. The adversities that we have had to face together have taught all of us involved in the struggle to build a truly democratic political system in Burma that there are no gender barriers that cannot be overcome. The relationship between men and women should, and can be, characterized not by patronizing behavior or exploitation, but by metta (that is to say loving kindness), partnership and trust. We need mutual respect and understanding between men and women, instead of patriarchal domination and degradation, which are expressions of violence and engender counter-violence. We can learn from each other and help one another to moderate the "gender weaknesses" imposed on us by traditional or biological factors. There is an age old prejudice the world over to the effect that women talk too much. But is this really a weakness? Could it not in fact be a strength? Recent scientific research on the human brain has revealed that women are better at verbal skills while men tend towards physical action. Psychological research has shown on the other hand that disinformation engendered by men has far more damaging effect on its victims than feminine gossip. Surely these discoveries indicate that women have a most valuable contribution to make in situations of conflict, by leading the way to solutions based on dialogue rather than on viciousness or violence? The Buddhist paravana ceremony at the end of the rainy season retreat was instituted by the Lord Buddha, who did not want human beings to live in silence [I quote] "like dumb animals." This ceremony, during which monks ask mutual forgiveness for any offence given during the retreat, can be said to be a council of truth and reconciliation. It might also be considered a forerunner of that most democratic of institutions, the parliament, a meeting of peoples gathered together to talk over their shared problems. All the world's great religions are dedicated to the generation of happiness and harmony. This demonstrates the fact that together with the combative instincts of man there co-exists a spiritual aspiration for mutual understanding and peace. This forum of non-governmental organizations represents the belief in the ability of intelligent human beings to resolve conflicting interests through exchange and dialogue. It also represents the conviction that governments alone cannot resolve all the problems of their countries. The watchfulness and active cooperation of organizations outside the spheres of officialdom are necessary to ensure the four essential components of the human development paradigm as identified by the UNDP: productivity, equity, sustainability and empowerment. The last is particularly relevant: it requires that "development must be by people, not only for them. People must participate fully in the decisions and processes that shape their lives." In other words people must be allowed to play a significant role in the governance of the country. And "people" include women who make up at least half of the world's population. The last six years afforded me much time and food for thought. I came to the conclusion that the human race is not divided into two opposing camps of good and evil. It is made up of those who are capable of learning and those who are incapable of doing so. Here I am not talking of learning in the narrow sense of acquiring an academic education, but of learning as the process of absorbing those lessons of life that enable us to increase peace and happiness in our world. Women in their roles as mothers have traditionally assumed the responsibility of teaching children values that will guide them throughout their lives. It is time we were given the full opportunity to use our natural teaching skills to contribute towards building a modern world that can withstand the tremendous challenges of the technological revolution which has in turn brought revolutionary changes in social values. As we strive to teach others we must have the humility to acknowledge that we too still have much to learn. And we must have the flexibility to adapt to the changing needs of the world around us. Women who have been taught that modesty and pliancy are among the prized virtues of our gender are marvelously equipped for the learning process. But they must be given the opportunity to turn these often merely passive virtues into positive assets for the society in which they live. These, then, are our common hopes that unite us-that as the shackles of prejudice and intolerance fall from our own limbs we can together strive to identify and remove the impediments to human development everywhere. The mechanisms by which this great task is to be achieved provide the proper focus of this great Forum. I feel sure that women throughout the world who, like me, cannot be with you join me now in sending you all our prayers and good wishes for a joyful and productive meeting. I thank you. http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=95353f042a2b46dd82a0022304564127 Sun, 16 Mar 2008 19:11:53 GMT 1ce012cba3d6441fa2839a55916f0665 La CISL esprime il suo sdegno, denuncia le imprese italiane che fanno affari con la Birmania e critica il governo italiano per scarsa coerenza 2008-03-16T19:20:58.8370000+01:00 "La Cisl esprime sdegno e ferma condanna per la decisione della giunta militare birmana di prorogare gli arresti domiciliari per altri dodici mesi al premio Nobel per la pace Aung San Suu Kyi".Lo afferma il segretario generale, Savino Pezzotta, che così prosegue:"E' un fatto vergognoso che fa seguito ai recenti arresti di sindacalisti, che avevano la sola colpa di aver preso contatti con il rappresentate dell’OIL, e alla minaccia del ministro del Lavoro birmano dopo la risoluzione approvata nel giugno scorso dall’ OIL di abbandonare l’Organizzazione Internazionale del Lavoro". "La risoluzione- ricorda Pezzotta- chiedeva ai governi e agli imprenditori di sospendere i rapporti con la giunta, compresi gli investimenti diretti esteri a causa del continuo utilizzo del lavoro forzato". Pezzotta osserva che "in questo quadro è gravissimo che il governo italiano non abbia attuato nella sostanza la risoluzione approvata dall’OIL ed ha mandato il proprio rappresentante a Rangoon ad incontrare la giunta con l’obiettivo di riaprire un improbabile dialogo per la democrazia. In violazione delle decisioni assunte a livello di OIL e di Unione Europea il Governo italiano ha, inoltre, finanziato attraverso l’Ice un programma di collaborazione industriale"."La Cisl -prosegue Pezzotta- sollecita tutte le imprese ad interrompere, da subito, ogni rapporto con questo paese". Ed aggiunge: " Dopo questi recenti avvenimenti sollecitiamo il Governo e le imprese a mettere in atto un’iniziativa attiva per riportare la democrazia in questo paese, rispettando le decisioni assunte sul piano internazionale, e chiediamo che il Ministero degli Esteri convochi un incontro urgente con le Organizzazioni imprenditoriali e sindacali". "La Cisl- conclude Pezzotta- chiede inoltre che il Governo si faccia parte attiva con gli altri paesi per far si che la questione birmana venga messa all’ordine del giorno del Consiglio di Sicurezza ONU e chiede alle forze politiche e a tutti i cittadini di sottoscrivere l’appello che ha lanciato recentemente e che può essere sottoscritto sul sito www. Birmaniademocratica.org" http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=1ce012cba3d6441fa2839a55916f0665 Sun, 16 Mar 2008 18:20:58 GMT d0432457635a4287a672bc7df729613c 2008-03-16T20:08:54.0700000+01:00 The Joyce Pearce Memorial Lecture Refugee Studies Programme University of Oxford 19 May 1993 Towards A True Refuge by Aung San Suu Kyi Honorary Fellow of St Hugh's College Nobel Peace Laureate When I was told that I had been invited to deliver the Joyce Pearce Memorial Lecture for 1993, I felt very honoured. I also felt warmed by all that I had heard about Miss Pearce's Ockenden Venture, especially from Patricia Gore-Booth and her late husband Paul, dearly-loved friends who taught me much about kindness and caring. The thought that the lecture would be held under the auspices of Queen Elizabeth House gave me particular pleasure. It is a place where I have spent many fruitful hours attending seminars and lectures and meeting people from different parts of the world. Those hours now appear to me suffused in Oxford tranquility and reason and good fellowship. So I would like to thank the Refugee Studies Programme and the Committee of the Annual Joyce Pearce Memorial Lecture for more than just the invitation. I would also like to thank them for the delightful recollections conjured up by their invitation. As Joyce Pearce put so much of her life and talents into her work for refugees, I wondered whether the lecture should not be related to refugee issues. But I felt very reluctant to take up a topic with which the audience is probably well acquainted while I am not. Then it occurred to me that the Burmese expression for refugee is dukkha-the, "one who has to bear dukkha, suffering". In that sense, none of us can avoid knowing what it is to be a refugee. The refuge we all seek is protection from forces which wrench us away from the security and comfort, physical and mental, which give dignity and meaning to human existence. The answer as to how such protection might be provided can be found only when the destructive forces have been identified. Well-publicised catastrophes that rock the sensibilities of the world have small beginnings, barely discernible from the private and contained forms of distress which make up the normal quota of everyday suffering. No man-made disaster suddenly bursts forth from the earth like warring armies sprung from dragon's teeth. After all, even in the myth the dragon's teeth were procured and sown by a man for reasons quite unrelated to innocent zoological or agricultural pursuits. Calamities which are not the result of purely natural phenomena usually have their origins, distant and obscure though they may be in common human failings. But how common need those failings be? In a world which no longer accepts that "common" germs and diseases should be left unchecked to take their toll of the weak and defenceless, it would not be inappropriate to ask if more attention should be paid to correcting "common" attitudes and values that pose a far more lethal threat to humankind. It is my thoughts on some of these attitudes and values, which seem to be regarded as inevitable in an increasingly materialistic world, that I would like to communicate to you on this occasion. The end of the cold war has been represented as a signal for shifting the emphasis of national and international concern from ideology and politics to economics and trade. But it is open to debate whether policies heavily, if not wholly, influenced by economic considerations will make of the much bruited "New World Order" an era of progress and harmony such as is longed for by peoples and nations weary of conflict and suffering. As the twentieth century draws to a close, it has become obvious that material yardsticks alone cannot serve as an adequate measure of human well-being. Even as basic an issue as poverty has to be reexamined to take into account the psychological sense of deprivation that makes people feel poor. Such a "modern" concept of poverty is nothing new to the Burmese who have always used the word hsinye to indicate not only an insufficiency of material goods but also physical discomfort and distress of mind -- to be poor is to suffer from a paucity of those mental and spiritual as well as material resources that make a human being feel fulfilled and give life a meaning beyond mere existence. It follows as a matter of course that chantha, the converse of hsinye, denotes not only material prosperity but also bodily ease and general felicity. One speaks of chantha of the mind and of the body and one would wish to be possessed of both. It is widely accepted, if not too often articulated, that governments and international agencies should limit their efforts to the elimination of the more obvious forms of suffering rather than take on a task so uncertain, so abstruse and so susceptible to varying interpretations, as the promotion of happiness. Many believe that policies and legislations aimed at establishing minimum standards with regard to wages, health care, working conditions, housing and education (in the formal, very limited sense of the word) are the most that can reasonably be expected from institutions as a contribution towards human well-being. There seems to be an underlying assumption that amelioration in material conditions would eventually bring in its wake an improvement in social attitudes, philosophical values and ethical standards. The Burmese saying "Morality (sila) can be upheld only when the stomach is full" is our version of a widely held sentiment that cuts across cultural boundaries. Brecht's "Erst kommt das Fressen, dann kommt die Moral" (First comes fodder, then come morals) also springs to mind. But such axioms are hardly a faithful reflection of what actually goes on in human society. While it is undeniable that many have been driven to immorality and crime by the need to survive, it is equally evident that the possession of a significant surplus of material goods has never been a guarantee against covetousness, rapacity and the infinite variety of vice and pain that spring from such passions. Indeed it could be argued that the unrelenting compulsion of those who already have much to acquire even more has generated greater injustice, immorality and wretchedness than the cumulative effect of the struggle of the severely underprivileged to better their lot. Given that man's greed can be a pit as bottomless as his stomach and that a psychological sense of deprivation can persist beyond the point where basic needs have been adequately met, it can hardly be expected that an increase in material prosperity alone would ensure even a decline in economic strife, let alone a mitigation of those myriad other forces that spawn earthly misery. The teachings of Buddhism which delve into the various causes of suffering identify greed as lust -- the passion for indulging an intemperate appetite -- as the first of the Ten Impurities that stand in the way of a tranquil, wholesome state of mind. On the other hand much value is attached to liberality or generosity which heads such lists as the Ten Perfections of the Buddha, the Ten Virtues which should be practised, and the Ten Duties of Kings. This emphasis on liberality should not be regarded as a facile endorsement of alms-giving based on canny calculation of possible benefits in the way of worldly prestige or otherworldly rewards. It is a recognition of the crucial importance of the liberal, generous spirit as an effective antidote to greed as well as a fount of virtues which engender happiness and harmony. The late Sayadaw Ashin Janaka Bivamsa of the famous Mahagandhrun monastery at Amarapura taught that liberality without morality cannot really be pure. An act of charity committed for the sake of earning praise or prestige or a place in a heavenly abode he held to be tantamount to an act of greed. Loving kindness, compassion, sympathetic joy and equanimity Buddhists see as "divine" states of mind which help to alleviate suffering and to spread happiness among all beings. The greatest obstacle to these noble emotions is not so much hatred, anger or ill will as the rigid state that comes of a prolonged and unwavering concentration on narrow self-interest. Hatred, anger or ill-will which arises from wrongs suffered, from misunderstanding or from fear and envy may yet be appeased if there is sufficient generosity of spirit to permit forbearance, forgiveness and reconciliation. But it would be impossible to maintain ore restore harmony when contention is rooted in the visceral inability of protagonists to concede that the other party has an equal claim to justice, sympathy and consideration. Hardness, selfishness and narrowness belong with greed, just as kindness, understanding and vision belong with true generosity. The act of willingly subtracting from one's own limited store of the good and the agreeable for the sake of adding to that of others reflects the understanding that individual happiness needs a base broader than the mere satisfaction of selfish passions. From there, it is not such a large step to the realization that respecting the susceptibilities and rights of others is as important as defending one's own susceptibilities and rights if civilized society is to be safeguarded. But the desirability of redressing imbalances which spoil the harmony of human relationships -- the ultimate foundation for global peace and security -- is not always appreciated. Buddhism and other religious and ethical systems, however, have long recognised and sought to correct this prejudice in favour of the self. A Jewish scholar commenting on the Torah wrote: "In morals, holiness negatively demanded resistance to every urge of nature which made self-serving the essence of human life; and positively, submission to an ethic which placed service to others at the centre of its system." [1] It would be naive to expect that all men could be expected to place service to others before service to the self. But with sufficient resolve on the part of governments and institutions that influence public opinion and set international standards of behaviour, a greater proportion of the world's population could be made to realize that self-interest (whether as an individual, a community or a nation) cannot be divorced entirely from the interests of others. Instead of assuming that material progress will bring an improvement in social, political and ethical standards, should it not be considered that an active promotion of appropriate social, political and ethical values might not only aid material progress but also help to ensure that its results are wisely and happily distributed? "Wealth enough to keep misery away and a heart wise enough to use it" was described as the "greatest good" by Aeschylus who lived in an age when, after decades of war, revolution and tyrannies, Athenian democracy in its morning freshness was beginning to prove itself as a system wonderfully suited to free, thinking men.[2] A narrowly focused materialism that seeks to block out all considerations apparently irrelevant to one's own well-being finally blocks out what is in fact most relevant. Discussing the "culture of contentment" which poses a challenge to the social and economic future of the United States of America, Professor John Kenneth Galbraith has pointed out that the fortunate and the favoured are so preoccupied with immediate comfort and contentment they have ceased to contemplate or respond to their own longer-term well-being. "And this is not only in the capitalist world, as it is still called: a deeper and more general human instinct is here involved", he wrote[3] the instinct to opt for narrow, short-term benefits can present a significant threat to the continued prosperity of a rich, industrialized state shored up by strongly established institutions, how much more of a threat might it be to nations which have but recently embarked, rather unsteadily, on the grand adventure of free market economics and democratic politics? And it would surely be of the utmost danger to those societies still hovering on the edge of liberty and justice, still dominated by a minority well content with its monopoly on economic and political power. In newly emergent democracies many who have been disappointed in their expectations of immediate material betterment have sought to work out their frustrations by subscribing to outmoded and obscure conspiracy theories that foster prejudice, paranoia and violence. The search for scapegoats is essentially an abnegation of responsibility: it indicates an inability to assess honestly and intelligently the true nature of the problems which lie at the root of social and economic difficulties and a lack of resolve in grappling with them. The valuation of achievement in predominantly material terms implies a limited and limiting view of human society, denying it many of the qualities that make it more than a conglomerate of egoistic consumer-gatherers who have advanced little beyond the prehistoric instinct for survival. It is perfectly natural that all people should wish for a secure refuge. It is unfortunate that in spite of strong evidence to the contrary, so many still act as though security would be guaranteed if they fortified themselves with an abundance of material possessions. The greatest threats to global security today come not from the economic deficiencies of the poorest nations but from religious, racial (or tribal) and political dissensions raging in those regions where principles and practices which could reconcile the diverse instincts and aspirations of mankind have been ignored, repressed or distorted. Man-made disasters are made by dominant individuals and cliques which refuse to move beyond the autistic confines of partisan interest. An eminent development economist has observed that the best defence against famine is an accountable government. It makes little political or economic sense to give aid without trying to address the circumstances that render aid ineffectual. No amount of material goods and technological know-how will compensate for human irresponsibility and viciousness. Developed and developing nations alike suffer as a result of policies removed from a framework of values which uphold minimum standards of justice and tolerance. The rapidity with which the old Soviet Union splintered into new states, many of them stamped with a fierce racial assertiveness, illustrates that decades of authoritarian rule may have achieved uniformity and obedience but could not achieve long-term harmony or stability. Nor did the material benefits enjoyed under the relatively successful post- totalitarian state[4] Yugoslavia succeed in dissipating the psychological impress of brooding historical experiences which have now led to some of the worst religious and ethnic violence the Balkans has ever witnessed. Peace, stability and unity cannot be bought or coerced: they have to be nurtured by promoting sensitivity to human needs and respect for the rights and opinions of others. Diversity and dissent need not inhibit the emergence of strong, stable societies, but inflexibility, narrowness and unadulterated materialism can prevent healthy growth. And when attitudes have been allowed to harden to the point that otherness becomes a sufficient reason for nullifying a person's claim to be treated as a fellow human being, the trappings of modern civilization crumble with frightening speed. In the most troubled areas of the world, reserves of tolerance and compassion disappear, security becomes non-existent and creature comforts are reduced to a minimum -- but stockpiles of weapons abound. As a system of values this is totally mad. By the time it is accepted that the only way out of an impasse of hats, bloodshed and social and economic chaos created by men is for those men to get together to find a peaceful solution through dialogue and compromise, it is usually no longer easy to restore sanity. Those who have been conditioned by systems which make a mockery of the law by legalizing injustices and which attack the very foundations of harmony by perpetuating social, political and economic imbalances cannot adjust quickly -- if at all -- to the concept of a fair settlement which places general well-being and justice above partisan advantage. During the cold war the iniquities of ruthless governments and armed groups were condoned for ideological reasons. The results have been far from happy. Although there is greater emphasis in justice and human rights today, there are still ardent advocates in favour of giving priority to political and economic expediency -- increasingly the latter. It is the cold argument: achieve economic success and all else will follow. But even long-affluent societies are plagued by formidable social ills which have provided deep anxieties about the future. And newly-rich nations appear to be spending a significant portion of their wealth on arms and armies. Clearly there is no inherent link between greater prosperity and greater security and peace. Both prosperity and peace -- or even the expectation of greater peace. Both prosperity and peace are necessary for the happiness of mankind, the one to alleviate suffering, the other to promote tranquility. Only policies which place equal importance on both will make a truly richer world, one in which men can enjoy "chantha" of the body and of the mind. The drive for economic progress needs to be tempered by an awareness of the dangers of greed and selfishness which so easily lead to narrowness and inhumanity. If peoples and nations cultivate a generous spirit that welcomes the happiness of others as an enhancement of the self, many seemingly insoluble problems would prove less intractable. Those who have worked with refugees are in the best position to know that when people have been stripped of all their material supports there only remain to sustain them the values of their cultural and spiritual inheritance. A tradition of sharing instilled by age-old beliefs in the joy of giving and the sanctity of compassion will move a homeless destitute to press a portion of his meagre rations on strangers with all the grace and delight of one who has ample riches to dispense. On the other hand, predatory traits honed by a long-established habit of yielding to "every urge of nature which made self-serving the essence of human life" will lead men to plunder fellow-sufferers of their last pathetic possessions. And of course the great majority of the world's refugees are seeking sanctuary from situations rendered untenable by a dearth of humanity and wisdom. The dream of a society ruled by loving kindness, reason and justice is a dream as old as civilized man. Does it have to be an impossible dream? Karl Popper, explaining his abiding optimism in so troubled a world as ours, said that the darkness had always been there but the light was new. Because it is new it has to be tended with care and diligence. It is true that even the smallest light cannot he extinguished by all the darkness in the world, because darkness is wholly negative. It is merely an absence of light. But a small light cannot dispel acres of encircling gloom. It needs to grow stronger, to shed its brightness further and further. And people need to accustom their eyes to the light to see it as a benediction rather than a pain, to learn to love it. We are so much in need of a brighter world which will offer adequate refuge to all its inhabitants. [End] [1] Isidore Epstein, Judaism: A Historical Presentation (Harmondsworth, 1959), p.23. [2] The quotation is from Agamemnon, 378-9, translated in Edith Hamilton, The Greek Way (New York, 3rd ed. 1964), p. 51 [3] John Kenneth Galbraith, The Culture of Contentment (London, 1992), pp. 6-7. [4] I use "post-totalitarian state" in the sense given to it by Vaclav Havel in his essay on "The Power of the Powerless"(1979), when he applies the term to the neo-totalitarianism so the now-dissolved Soviet bloc and the forms of state repression found there which are markedly different from those obtaining in classical dictatorships. See Vaclav Havel et al., The Power of the Powerless: Citizens against the State in Central-Eastern Europe, ed. John Keane (New York, 1985). http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=d0432457635a4287a672bc7df729613c Sun, 16 Mar 2008 19:08:54 GMT 7f1f06c258a449f08e7c47e087930711 2008-03-16T20:10:09.6170000+01:00 The following is the English translation prepared by the author of the speech she delivered in Burmese to a mass rally on the open ground west of the great Shwedagon Pagoda in Rangoon on 26 August 1988. Of the approximately one thousand public addresses she calculated she had given throughout the length and breadth of Burma between August 1988 and July 1989, this was the first and the only one for which she had prepared text to hand. Two days earlier she had made a brief appearance in front of the Rangoon General Hospital, the main focus of popular demonstra­tions at the time, in order to announce her intention to address the rally and to call for discipline and unity. Reverend monks and people! This public rally is aimed at informing the whole world of the will of the people. Therefore at this mass rally the people should be disciplined and united to demonstrate the very fact that they are a people who can be disciplined and united. Our purpose is to show that the entire people entertain the keenest desire for a multi-party democratic system of government. It is the students who have paved the way to the present situation where it is possible to hold such a rally. The occasion has been made possible because the recent demonstrations have been spearheaded by the students and even more because they have shown their willingness to sacrifice their lives. I therefore request you all to observe a minute's silence in order to show our deepest respect for those students who have lost their lives and, even more, in order to share the merit of their deeds among all of us. So while doing this please keep perfect silence for the duration of one minute. I believe that all the people who have assembled here have without exception come with the unshakeable desire to strive for and win a multi-party democratic system. In order to arrive at this objective, all the people should march unitedly in a discip­lined manner towards the goal of democracy. In this connection I would like to explain the part I have played in this movement. This is needed because a fair number of people are not very well acquainted with my personal history. It is only natural and right that those who do not know me would like to know some facts. A number of people are saying that since I have spent most of my time abroad and am married to a foreigner I could not be familiar with the ramifications of this country's politics. I wish to speak from this platform very frankly and openly to the people. It is true that I have lived abroad. It is also true that I am married to a foreigner. These facts have never interfered and will never interfere with or lessen my love and devotion for my country by any measure or degree. Another thing which some people have been saying is that I know nothing of Burmese politics. The trouble is that I know too much. My family knows best how complicated and tricky Burmese politics can be and how much my father had to suffer on this account. He expended much mental and physical effort in the cause of Burma's politics without personal gain. That is why my father said that once Burma's independence was gained he would not want to take part in the kind of power politics that would follow. Since my father had no such desire I too have always wanted to place myself at a distance from this kind of politics. Because of that I have kept away from politics. Some might then ask why, if I wished to stay out of politics, should I now be involved in this movement. The answer is that the present crisis is the concern of the entire nation. I could not as my father's daughter remain indifferent to all that was going on. This national crisis could in fact be called the second struggle for national independence. This great struggle has arisen from the intense and deep desire of the people for a fully democratic parliamentary system of government. I would like to read to you something my father said about democracy. We must make democracy the popular creed. We must try to build up a free Burma in accordance with such a creed. If we should fail to do this, our people are bound to suffer. If democracy should fail the world cannot stand back and just look on, and therefore Burma would one day, like Japan and Germany, be despised. Democracy is the only ideology which is consistent with freedom. It is also an ideology that promotes and strengthens peace. It is therefore the only ideology we should aim for. That is what my father said. It is the reason why I am participating in this struggle for freedom and democracy in the footsteps and traditions of my father. To achieve democracy the people should be united. That is very clear. It is a very plain fact. If there is no unity of purpose we shall be unable to achieve anything at all. If the people are disunited, no ideology or form of government can bring much benefit to the country. This must be firmly fixed in the minds of the people. If there is no discipline, no system can succeed. Therefore our people should always be united and disciplined. While I am talking about the need for unity I would like to say one thing. Some may not like what I am going to say. But I believe that my duty is to tell the people what I believe to be true. Therefore I shall speak my mind. If my words meet with your approval, please support me. If they are not acceptable, it cannot be helped. I am only doing what I believe to be right. What I wish to say is that at this time there is a certain amount of dissension between the people and the army. This rift can lead to future dangers. The present armed forces of Burma were created and nurtured by my father. It is not simply a matter of words to say that my father built up the armed forces. It is a fact. There are papers written in my father's own hand where he lays out in detail how the army should be organized and built up. So what objectives did my father have for the armed forces? Let me read to you one of them: The armed forces are meant for this nation and this people, and it should be such a force having the honour and respect of the people. If instead the armed forces should come to be hated by the people, then the aims with which this army has been built up would have been in vain. Let me speak frankly. I feel strong attachment for the armed forces. Not only were they built up by my father, as a child I was cared for by his soldiers. At the same time I am also aware of the great love and affection which the people have for my father. I am grateful for this love and affection. I would therefore not wish to see any splits and struggles between the army which my father built up and the people who love my father so much. May I also from this platform ask the personnel of the armed forces to reciprocate this kind of understanding and sympathy? May I appeal to the armed forces to become a force in which the people can place their trust and reliance. May the armed forces become one which will uphold the honour and dignity of our country. For their part the people should try to forget what has already taken place, and I would like to appeal to them not to lose their affection for the army. We shall reach our goal of a strong and lasting Union only if we are all able to go forward in unity. We have not yet achieved this goal. Let us not be disunited. Therefore let us resolve to march forward in unity towards our cherished goal. In doing so please use peaceful means. If a people or a nation can reach their objectives by disciplined and peaceful means, it would be a most honourable and admirable achieve­ment. I have a few things to say about the students who have been at the forefront of this nationwide movement. The students are most able. They have already demonstrated their physical courage. I believe that they will now go on to demonstrate their moral and mental ability. May I appeal to the students to continue to march forward with the same kind of unity and resolve? At this moment there are a number of student groups. I would like these groups to come together as a unified body. I understand that they are soon going to call a conference for this purpose. Should this occasion arise may I pray that it will result in an entire cohesion and unity of the students. Some students have asked me which politicians are standing behind me. They are apprehensive that such politicians might manipulate me and then take over the students. I am happy that the students have been so open and honest with me. Young people are frank and free from deviousness. I answered them truthfully. There are no politicans behind me. What I am trying to do is to help achieve the democratic system of government which the people want. For the achievement of this system, there are some veteran politicians who wish to help me in various ways. I have told such politicians that if their object is to obtain positions of political power for themselves, I would not support them in any way. Should these politicians try to obtain positions of political power I promise in front of this assembly of people that I myself will not hesitate to denounce them. There is a sort of gulf between the older and younger genera­tions. This gulf will have to be bridged. There is the feeling that the older and younger generations are quite apart from each other. This is something that should not happen. Whether young or old the entire people should be united. The strength of the people is growing day by day. Such growing strength has to be controlled by discipline. Undisciplined strength or strength which is not in keeping with right principles can never lead to a beneficial fruition. It could lead to danger for many. Therefore please continue to use our strength in accordance with rightful principles. At this juncture when the people's strength is almost at is peak we should take extreme care not to oppress the weaker side. That is the kind of evil practice which would cause the people to lose their dignity and honour. The people should demonstrate clearly and distinctly their capacity to forgive. If we are to examine what it is that we all desire, that is what the people really want at this time, the answer is multi-party democracy. We want to get rid of the one-party system. The President, Dr Maung Maung, has said that he is calling an emergency party congress to decide whether there should be a national referendum. So far as I am concerned I do not think it is necessary to have this referendum. The entire nation's desires and aspirations are very clear. There can be no doubt that everybody wants a multi-party democratic system of government. It is the duty of the present government to bring about such a system as soon as possible. For the people's part they should continue to demonstrate for this through peaceful and disciplined means. May I emphasize again that we have not yet arrived at our cherished goal. Please think in advance of what should be done to bring about a firmly established Union. Please think of the country's future. Unless we consider the future of our country, the changes that are coming into being may not be able to achieve much benefit for the country. My father said there is a great need for the people to be disciplined and this cannot be repeated too often. We do not need to have a referendum. What we do need is a multi-party system. It should be introduced as quickly as possible by means of free and fair elections. Conditions necessary for the holding of free and fair elections should be created throughout the country. The people have lost their confidence in the govern­ment of the day. If the holding of free and fair elections requires an interim government, such a forerunner should be created. The main objective is not to have either the present form of government, nor an interim government, nor to have some other new government, but to have a government that can bring about a strong and prosperous Union of Burma. Please do not lose sight of the main objectives, nor forget the future welfare of the country. Should we lose sight of these, present victories will change to future failures. What stage have we reached now? Well, our cherished aim is clearly within sight. Let us march forward together towards that goal. Let no divisions creep in. It is important that divisions of opinion should not arise among the students. There should be a complete restraint on creating such divisions. Therefore should differences arise between them now the country's future unity will be jeopardized. While I am on the subject of unity may I speak for a while on the union of states of which Burma is composed. The different peoples of Burma should also remain united. The majority people of course remain the Burmese. They must strive with ever-increas­ing efforts to live in this accord and amity. Because the Burmese people form the biggest majority, they should make the greatest efforts to live in this accord and amity and to achieve that much needed unity and friendship among national racial groups. Those who have the greater strength should show restraint and tolerance towards those who have less strength. Here I wish to say one thing regarding those people who are supporting the one-party system. The fact is many members of the Lanzin Party (Burma Socialist Programme Party) have themselves lost faith and confidence in their party. Such party members should resign from the Lanzin Party. They should hand in their party cards. However, those who continue as members of the Lanzin Party out of conviction should not be molested. Democracy is an ideology that allows everyone to stand up according to his beliefs. They should not be threatened or endangered. Each one should go forward towards his own goal. Do not because of your greater strength be vengeful towards those who are of weaker strength. We have gone far beyond the intended time, so I must cut this short. The final remark I wish to make is for our rally to maintain unity and discipline. Our strength should be used for the cause of what is right. Only by observing these requirements shall we be able to find our goal. May the entire people be united and disciplined. May our people always do what is in complete accord with rightful prin­ciples. May the people be free from all harm. To conclude I would like to reiterate our emphatic demands and protests, namely that we have no desire at all for a referendum, that the one-party system should be dismantled, that a multi­party system of government should be established, and we call for free and fair elections to be arranged as quickly as possible. These are our demands. http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=7f1f06c258a449f08e7c47e087930711 Sun, 16 Mar 2008 19:10:09 GMT 7f019e05703f451f848c9b4e04a8a536 Il Premio Nobel per la Pace sta male, è disidratata e viene alimentata per endovenosa. Arrestato il suo medico. Appello di Nyan Win: "Siamo molto preoccupati per la situazione" . E Fassino, inviato speciale dell'Unione Europea: "Non si può più accettare che la leader dell'opposizione politica birmana continui ad essere in una condizione di restrizione che pregiudica anche il suo diritto a curarsi". 2009-05-10T10:34:03.5900000+02:00 Da Corriere della Sera.it (9 maggio 2009) RANGOON - La leader dell'opposizione della ex Birmania e premio Nobel per la Pace, Aung San Suu Kyi, «non sta bene, si nutre ma è debole e disidratata. Lo ha detto il portavoce del suo partito, la Lega per la democrazia, Nyan Win, che ha aggiunto: «Siamo molto preoccupati per la sua salute. ARRESTO - Nyan Win ha quindi spiegato che alla donna è stata fatta una flebo e che il suo medico curante è stato arrestato dalle autorità del Myanmar senza alcuna spiegazione. Fonti ufficiali avevano indicato due giorni fa che il dottor Tim Myo Win, dopo una attesa di alcune ore, non era stato autorizzato a visitare Aung San Suu Kyi. DITTATURA - Il giorno precedente era stato arrestato un cittadino americano, il 53enne John Willian Yeatta, che aveva attraversato a nuoto il lago Inya, vicino Yangon, per raggiungere l'abitazione della leader dell'opposizione costretta dalla dittatura militare al potere dal 1962 al carcere, o agli arresti domiciliari, per oltre 13 degli ultimi 19 anni. FASSINO - Sulla vicenda è intervenuto Piero Fassino, l'inviato speciale dell'Unione Europea per la Birmania/ Myanmar: «Si liberi Aung San Suu Kyi dagli arresti domiciliari a cui è costretta da troppi anni e le si consenta di essere curata in modo adeguato. «Le notizie di uno stato di salute precario e infermo di Aung San Suu Kyi - prosegue - non possono che destare preoccupazione e allarme e non può più essere accettato che la leader dell'opposizione politica birmana continui ad essere in una condizione di restrizione che pregiudica anche il suo diritto a curarsi (Puoi leggere l'intervento di Fassino sul sito: http://www.pierofassino.it/gw/producer/dettaglio.aspx?ID_DOC=45823). Normal 0 14 false false false IT X-NONE X-NONE MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 Normal 0 14 false false false IT X-NONE X-NONE MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 (Puoi leggere l’articolo su http://www.corriere.it/esteri/09_maggio_09) Da BBC News (9 maggio 2009) Burma's Suu Kyi 'in poor health' Burma's detained opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi is suffering from low blood pressure and dehydration and is barely eating, her party spokesman says. Nyan Win said they were extremely worried about the 63-year-old Nobel Laureate's health. A medical assistant has placed Ms Suu Kyi on an intravenous drip. Her own doctor was reportedly detained after visiting her earlier this week. Ms Suu Kyi She has been under almost permanent house arrest since 1990. It followed the victory of her National League for Democracy (NLD) in a general election in 1990. The junta has refused to allow the party to assume power. Ms Suu Kyi's latest period of detention is due to expire at the end of May but the authorities have not yet said if it will be extended. Break-in. "We are very concerned about her health and security conditions," Nyan Win of the NLD told the BBC. He said Ms Suu Kyi had suffered a loss of appetite and had gone three to four days without eating. As a result, her blood pressure had dropped and she was showing symptoms of dehydration. Nyan Win said the party was closely monitoring the situation, and would decide next week whether to press for greater medical treatment for Ms Suu Kyi. Nyan Win said it was not clear why physician Tin Myo Win had been arrested last Thursday. He speculated that it could be linked to the arrest on Tuesday of a man carrying a US passport who swam across a lake to the property. About 20 police are reported to have entered Ms Suu Kyi's house on Thursday morning. It followed reports that an American, identified as John William Yeattaw, had managed to breach tight security to swim across Inya Lake and enter Ms Suu Kyi's house secretly on Sunday. He was arrested after swimming back across the lake late on Tuesday. Such an incident would be the first time someone has broken into Ms Suu Kyi's compound. Normal 0 14 false false false IT X-NONE X-NONE MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 Normal 0 14 false false false IT X-NONE X-NONE MicrosoftInternetExplorer4 (Puoi leggere l’articolo su http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8041825.stm) http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=7f019e05703f451f848c9b4e04a8a536 Sun, 10 May 2009 08:34:03 GMT 47e92c3f5727423b8827e39f6246a81b Incarcerata Aung San Suu Kyi per la violazione dell'attivista americano. La dissidente premio Nobel per la pace, agli arresti domiciliari, è gravemente malata. E' accusata di aver favorito l'ingresso di un cittadino Usa, arrivato a nuoto nella sua residenza. 2009-05-14T13:39:51.7730000+02:00 (da Repubblica.it, 14 maggio 2009) RANGOON - La leader democratica e premio Nobel per la pace Aung San Suu Kyi è stata condotta in un carcere dove rischia di essere incriminata per l'intrusione di un americano la settimana scorsa nella casa dove è tenuta in isolamento dal 2003 a Rangoon, secondo quanto hanno riferito testimoni. Pochi giorni fa i collaboratori della leader dell'opposizione avevano lanciato l'allarme per le sue deteriorate condizioni di salute, appellandosi alla comunità internazionale perché facesse pressione sul regime birmano affinché permettesse al medico della Suu Kyi, anch'egli incarcerato, di visitarla. La donna, dicono fonti a lei vicine, è gravemente disidratata e indebolita e la carcerazione rischia ora di aggravare le sue condizioni. Le misure di sicurezza erano state considerevolmente rafforzate all'alba intorno alla residenza del Nobel, ormai sessantatreenne, che è stata privata della libertà per la maggior parte degli ultimi 19 anni, da 6 anni agli arresti domiciliari. Un convoglio della polizia che trasportava la Suu Kyi ha lasciato la sua casa alle 7 del mattino (le 2.30 in Italia) per recarsi al carcere di Insein dove ha sede un tribunale. Pochi minuti dopo il convoglio è arrivato nel centro di detenzione, situato nella periferia di Rangoon. Aung San Suu Kyi e le sue due collaboratrici domestiche sono "detenute nel carcere", ha dichiarato Nyan Win, portavoce della Lega nazionale per la democrazia, principale partito d'opposizione in Birmania. Le autorità "hanno preparato un fascicolo" giudiziario e la oppositrice "non può tornare a casa sua" ha aggiunto il portavoce. Il processo è stato rinviato a lunedì 18 maggio. Se verrà riconosciuta colpevole, insieme a un domestico e al suo medico, di aver ospitato in casa sua per tre giorni il cittadino americano, la leader della Lega nazionale per la democrazia rischia da tre a cinque anni per visita non autorizzata. La precedente condanna di Suu Kyi scade il prossimo 27 maggio. Proprio una settimana fa, il regime dei generali aveva reso noto l'arresto di un cittadino statunitense, John Yettaw, che aveva raggiunto la casa della Suu Kyi attraversando a nuoto il lago che la costeggia e vi è restato per due giorni. Anche per lui sono scattate le misure detentive. Poche notizie sono filtrate sulla rocambolesca intrusione che è stata rivelata dalla giunta militare. (da BBC News, 14 Maggio 2009) "Burma's Suu Kyi 'to face trial' Ms Suu Kyi is reportedly suffering from low blood pressure and dehydration Burmese pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi is to face trial for breaching the conditions of her detention under house arrest, her lawyer has said. Ms Suu Kyi will stand trial on 18 May, the lawyer, Hla Myo Myint, said. She was taken to a prison from her home in Rangoon, where she has spent most of the past 19 years, to hear the charges. A US man whose uninvited visit to her home led to the charges, will also be tried on immigration and security offences, the lawyer added. The American man, John Yettaw, was arrested after swimming across a lake to her house and staying there secretly for two days. The charges are yet to be confirmed by the government. But it looks as though this is a pretext to keep her detained until elections due in 2010 which the generals think will give them some legitimacy, says BBC South-East Asia correspondent Jonathan Head. Another of her lawyers said they would contest the charge. "The charge is going to be violating the conditions of her house arrest and what her lawyer is going to argue is that of course that's ridiculous because, yes under the terms of her arrest she cannot invite people to visit her but she of course did not invite this person to visit her," Jared Genser told the BBC. "If somebody shows up at her door step in violation of Burmese law she can not be held responsible for it." Security stepped up A spokesman for her National League for Democracy (NLD), Nyan Win said he had been informed of the plan to try Ms Suu Kyi and two women who live with her by her lawyer, who visited Ms Suu Kyi in her off-limits house on Wednesday. She was driven in a police convoy with the two aides from her house to the prison, eyewitnesses said. Reports say security has been stepped up at the Insein jail, already a top security prison where a number of leading dissidents are incarcerated. The Nobel Peace laureate has been under house arrest for much of the past 19 years. The latest detention began in May 2003, after clashes between opposition activists and supporters of Burma's (Myanmar) military government. The house arrest was extended last year - a move which analysts say is illegal even under the junta's own legal limits. It is now due to expire at the end of May. Earlier this month, the military government rejected an appeal for the 63-year-old to be freed, despite NLD claims that she was suffering from low blood pressure and dehydration. Ms Suu Kyi was detained after the NLD's victory in a general election in 1990. Burma's junta refused to allow the party to assume power. http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=47e92c3f5727423b8827e39f6246a81b Thu, 14 May 2009 11:39:51 GMT fc0d438394fd4e9fae1667c87a9cac69 Birmaniademocratica.org suggerisce ai propri lettori il documentario "Total Denial", prodotto e diretto da Milena Kaneva. Il documentario verrà proiettato in occasione del compleanno di Aung San Suu Kyi, che si trova attualmente sotto processo nella Prigione di Insein a Rangoon. 2009-06-16T11:57:08.9970000+02:00 L'appuntamento è a Roma il 18 giugno presso il Cinema Farnese alle ore 20 (Piazza Campo dei Fiori, 56). Per girare "Total Denial" sono stati necessari 5 anni di lavoro tra la giungla birmana e i tribunali statunitensi. Il risultato è il racconto di tutto ciò che ha significato per la Birmania la costruzione dell'oleodotto Unocal/Total, tra lavoro forzato, violazioni dei diritti umani, violenza della giunta militare e interessi delle imprese occidentali. Il documentario ha vinto il Premio Vaclav Havel per i Diritti Umani. (Se vuoi saperne di più vai sul sito http://www.totaldenialfilm.com/) http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=fc0d438394fd4e9fae1667c87a9cac69 Tue, 16 Jun 2009 09:57:08 GMT 8eb126d516eb48988ce098e03e84e992 Irrawaddy - Secondo quanto riferito venerdì da fonti vicine all'opposizione democratica, Aung San Suu Kyi, detenuta a Insein, ha urgente bisogno di cure mediche ora, nella prigione dove si trova. La corte invece ha allungato il processo e senza una motivazione posticipa le dichiarazioni finali alla prossima settimana. 2014-02-13T14:14:30.2800000+01:00 Nel comunicato, la sua parte politica afferma di essere “gravemente preoccupata” circa lo stato di salute del Premio Nobel per la Pace, riferendo che non può dormire perché soffre di crampi alle gambe. Aung San Suu Kyi, 63 anni, è stata curata per i sintomi di disidratazione e bassa pressione nei primi giorni di maggio, pochi giorni dopo che l’americano Yettaw era stato arrestato per essersi introdotto furtivamente nella sua casa. Il regime militare ha accusato Aung San Suu Kyi di aver violato i termini dei propri arresti domiciliari per aver dato ospitalità all’Americano. Se trovata colpevole, rischia fino a 5 anni di carcere. Nella sua apparizione presso la corte, la giornata di martedì, è apparsa pallida e debole. Il Ministro degli Esteri della Birmania ha dichiarato in un comunicato domenica scorsa che a Suu Kyi, che è trattenuta in una “guest house” della prigione, “sono garantite adeguate cure mediche e che lei si trova in buona salute”. Le autorità hanno anche detto che un team di dottori la tiene sotto osservazione. Le dichiarazioni conclusive del processo sono state posticipate da Lunedì a Venerdì, ha detto Nyan Win, uno degli Avvocato di Aung San Suu Kyi. La ragione non è stata però resa pubblica. Il processo ha attirato a sè la condanna della comunità internazionale e dei sostenitori in Birmania di Aung San Suu Kyi, preoccupati che la giunta abbia trovato una scusa per continuare gli arresti della leader democratica oltre le elezioni dell’anno prossimo. Il suo partito (ndr La Lega Nazionale per la Democrazia) vinse in modo schiacciante le ultime elezioni nel 1990, ma i militari, che comandano nel Paese dal 1962, non gli hanno mai concesso di prendere il poterde, Aung San Suu Kyi si è dichiarata innocente. La sua difesa ha confermato che John W Yettaw, 53 anni, ha nuotato fino alla sua residenza, dove è stato per due giorni. Ma gli avvocati hanno anche argomentato che era compito preciso del servizio di sicurezza governativo osservare da vicino la sua casa per prevenire eventuali intrusioni. Yettaw, che è stato ricondotto presso la casa di Aung San Suu Kyi nella giornata di giovedì, per simulare davanti alle autorità giudiziarie la dinamica della sua intrusione, ha detto alla corte che era stato inviato da Dio per avvertire Suu Kyi di una premonizione da lui avuta e secondo la quale lei sarebbe stata presto assassinata dai terroristi, così ha detto Nyan Win. Yettaw arrivò segretamente nella casa di Suu Kyi alla fine dell’anno scorso, ma non riuscì ad incontrarla. In entrambi i casi, ha testimoniato, il personale della sicurezza lo ha osservato ma non ha fatto nulla per fermarlo, così ha concluso Nyan Win. (Puoi leggere l’articolo in originale su http://www.irrawaddy.org/highlight.php?art_id=15788) http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=8eb126d516eb48988ce098e03e84e992 Thu, 13 Feb 2014 13:14:30 GMT 133bc8fac55c4abe9117ea6a6cfbc79d La leader democratica Aung San Suu Kyi è stata portata nella famosa prigione di Insein. Ha dichiarato la Reuters. L’ambasciatore inglese Mark Canning ha dichiarato in una intervista alla Reuters che il ministro della difesa birmano sembrerebbe essere alla testa della risposta del governo alle proteste guidate dai monaci. “ enrambi mi hanno assicurao che avrebbero getito la osa in modo corretto. Qualsiasi cosa questo significhi.” Ha dichiarato Sittwe, Arakan State, 2 p.m.—circa 500 monaci hanno marciato attraverso la township di Sittwe iniseme a 8000 manifestanti incluso dei mussulmani. Tre monaci alla testa del corteo portavano bandiere buddiste e ciotole rivolte verso il bbaso. I manifestanti chiedevano riforme democratiche, il rilascio dei detenuti e la riduzione dei prezzi dei generi di prima necessità. Mandalay, 4:30 p.m.—circa 10,000 monaci da molti monasteri di Mandalay hanno marciato pacificamente lungo la città . migliaia di residenti hanno partecipato al corteo non appena questo è arrivato al famoso mercato Zay Cho.. Moulmein, Mon State; 1 p.m.—circa 1,000 manifestanti quidati da 400 monaci hanno dimostrato nelpomeriggio di martedi. I monaci e i di cinque diversi monasteri hanno preso parte alle proteste per il secondo giorno e gli studenti universitari hanno anchessi partecipato alle maniestazioni suito dopo gli esami. I monaic e icittadini hanno cominciato la loro marcia dal mercato cittadino. Sin dalla mattina presto i soldati hanno preso posizione vicino all’università di Yadanabon University,. Maj-Gen Khin Zaw, presidente della divisione di Mandalai dell’SPDC Peace and Development Council, il partito dei militari e del Conmando Centrale è stato scortato da guardie della sicurezza mentre ispezionava i soldati intorno all’università prima di dirigersi verso il monastero di Masoeyein la mattina le strade di Mandalay erano copertedi volantini che intimavano i cittadini a non partecipare ai cortei i volantini si pensa siano stati distribuiti dalle autorità e annunciavano serieconsequenze per coloro cheavessero partecipato alle manifestazione e che in caso di violenze “il popolo buddista ne avrebbe sofferto” 2008-03-23T01:54:20.1570000+01:00 http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=133bc8fac55c4abe9117ea6a6cfbc79d Sun, 23 Mar 2008 00:54:20 GMT 64631f91340740d4a009b285e9dc5607 (da Articolo21.info) Come è noto, lunedì 18 maggio il tribunale della prigione di Insein a Rangoon giudicherà questa donna straordinaria accusata di aver violato le misure degli arresti domiciliari “per aver ospitato” il nuotatore americano. Quale sia il confine tra quanto la ormai famosa “nuotata” sia stata una provocazione costruita dalla giunta o quanto la giunta abbia utilizzato questa irresponsabile azione non è dato sapere con certezza. Il risultato comunque non cambia. 2009-05-16T11:32:20.7430000+02:00 La giunta militare non ha mai voluto liberare la leader birmana per nessun motivo e questo incidente è arrivato al momento giusto. Permettere che la Signora possa parlare, muoversi ed organizzare l’opposizione sarebbe un rischio troppo grosso che bisogna evitare a tutti i costi. La giunta che detiene il potere, i media, l’economia, le organizzazioni paramilitari che insieme ai servizi segreti spiano e controllano anche l’aria che si respira, la giunta che ha ignorato volutamente le segnalazioni sull’arrivo del ciclone Nargis, la giunta che ha imposto con la forza il referendum lo scorso anno, non vuole essere disturbata da una donna. Quelle del 2010 devono essere elezioni indisturbate. Per mantenere se stessa al potere anche per il futuro e per darsi una parvenza di credibilità istituzionale si è inventata anni addietro la cosidetta roadmap per la democrazia. Ha costruito ad arte una costituzione di cartapesta, l’ha fatta votare con un referendum il cui voto è stato estorto con la forza e i ricatti durante il post ciclone e ora passa a rifarsi il trucco con le elezioni di un parlamento a sua immagine e somiglianza. Secondo questa costituzione, il Capo dello Stato deve aver fatto parte dell’esercito e non può essere stato coniugato con un cittadino straniero. Una misura è specificamente prevista allo scopo di impedire che Aung San Suu Kyi, possa essere democraticamente eletta e possa mai ricoprire tale carica. Viene vietato il diritto di voto agli appartenenti a ordini religiosi, quali ad esempio i monaci, come pure a tutti i prigionieri politici attuali e pregressi. In questo modo con un colpo solo si priva del diritto di voto, quasi tutta l’opposizione organizzata alla dittatura. E poi va ricordato che il 25% dei seggi del futuro parlamento saranno nominati dai militari. Non vi sarà indipendenza del sistema giudiziario, ne vi sarà una vera garanzia per le libertà fondamentali, a partire dalla libertà di organizzazione politica e sindacale e il lavoro forzato potrà continuare attraverso l’utilizzo dei detenuti, dando legittimità a quanto ora si sta facendo, attraverso arresti diffusi per crimini inventati in modo da avere una costante e ampia manodopera a costo zero. E’ pertanto evidente che non è possibile sostenere le elezioni e la costituzione nella loro forma attuale. La giunta intende rimanere al potere anche per continuare a guadagnare cifre esorbitanti e per questo deve rifarsi la verginità di fronte ai governi del mondo. Dalla esportazione di gas nel 2008 ha ricavato 3.5 miliardi di $. Dove vadano a finire questi profitti non è dato sapere, visto che non sono dichiarati e che nelle transazioni internazionali viene utilizzato il tasso ufficiale di cambio per nascondere buona parte di questi guadagni. Perché nessun governo o istituzione internazionale non ha mai chiesto alla giunta militare dove vanno a finire gli enormi proventi derivanti dalle esportazioni birmane? Perché nelle sedi internazionali, all’ASEM, Asean o all’ONU non si denuncia il fatto che quello birmano è il primo esercito del Sudest asiatico e il decimo al mondo, quando il paese è alla fame e Transparency International ha inserito la giunta militare birmana come il secondo governo più corrotto al mondo? I militari sanno per esperienza che basta un del fumo negli occhi, come delle pseudo elezioni e un futuro parlamento fantoccio per permettere ai governi amici: Cina, India, Russia e ai molti altri pseudo democratici alleati da sempre nelle sedi internazionali: Zimbabwe, Bielorussia, Vietnam, Cuba etc… di sostenere che finalmente si è voltato pagina e si può fare affari indisturbati. Ora tutto questo non è più accettabile. I governi non possono più mostrare solo indignazione e scandalo. Cosa fare? Molte sono le azioni politice che potrebbero essere messe in campo. L’ONU e l’ASEAN dovrebbero decidere di inviare urgentemente un loro inviato di alto livello in Birmania e dovrebbe essere convocato d’urgenza il Consiglio di Sicurezza, per decidere misure urgenti tra cui un embargo sugli armamenti. Si sa che vi sarà sicuramente l’opposizione di Cina e Russia, ma di fronte a quanto sta avvenendo sarebbe veramente oltraggioso che la comunità internazionale possa accettare il loro silenzio. I governi del G8 possono negoziare con Cina e Russia un cambiamento delle loro posizioni o la crisi economica globale costringe ad essere silenziosi con alleati così potenti? E' possibile rivedere almeno temporaneamente la partecipazione della Birmania all’Asem? La Birmania sta attraversando tre gravi crisi: una crisi politica e/o costituzionale; una crisi socio-economica ed una crisi umanitaria. Per questo la comunità internazionale deve chiedere urgentemente non solo la liberazione di Aung San Suu Kyi e degli altri prigionieri politici, ma anche un piano di riconciliazione nazionale, che si basi sulla verità e sul riconoscimento degli abusi e delle violazioni dei diritti umani, che preveda la revisione della costituzione effettuata con le organizzazioni democratiche e delle rappresentanze etniche, la definizione accordi condivisi sulla divisione dei poteri durante la fase di transizione, la garanzia di un sistema e di una legge elettorale democratica ed un piano economico per la transizione. Vi sono altre azioni urgenti che l’Unione Europea dovrebbe adottare compreso il rafforzamento delle sanzioni economiche, recentemente rinnovate, come richiesto da sempre dalle organizzazioni europee a sostegno della democrazia in Birmania. Le attuali sanzioni non includono infatti nè i settori del Gas nè dei settori finanziari ed assicurativi. E’ ora di superare questi limiti. Ma andrebbe adottato anche un sistema di monitoraggio che eviti la triangolazione con i paesi limitrofi: Thailandia, Cina, Malesia costruendo un sistema di tracciabilità dell’origine dei prodotti. L’Italia che ospiterà il vertice G8 dovrebbe farsi portatrice di una forte iniziativa politica e diplomatica e dovrebbe sostenere attivamente le richieste del governo birmano in esilio e delle organizzazioni democratiche, uscendo finalmente da una posizione defilata e timida anche per quanto riguarda questa area del mondo. Su questo terreno vi è il pieno accordo bipartisan in Parlamento, a partire dai contenuti di una risoluzione congiunta che approvata alla camera giace in Senato ormai da sei mesi. (torna alla home page http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/Home.aspx e firma la petizione per il rilascio immediato di Aung San Suu Kyi) (Puoi leggere l'articolo originale su http://www.articolo21.info/8458/notizia/processo-a-san-suu-kyi-e-ora-di-agire.html ) http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=64631f91340740d4a009b285e9dc5607 Sat, 16 May 2009 09:32:20 GMT dd5737ee4be44630909967005d87b2c1 Si e' concluso oggi il processo alla Prigione di Insein. Aung San Suu Kyi e' stata condannata a tre anni di lavoro forzato, commutati poi in 18 mesi di arresti domiciliari. Il verdetto ampiamente atteso segna una nuova triste pagina nella storia recente del Paese asiatico. Come aveva detto la stessa Suu Kyi pochi giorni fa una sentenza di questo tipo avrebbe spazzato via qualsiasi parvenza di stato di diritto in Birmania. La sentenza e' infatti contraria alle stesse leggi birmane. La sentenza fa' si' che la leader democratica e Premio Nobel per la Pace rimarra' sotto chiave durante le elezioni nazionali dell'anno prossimo. Il cittadino americano John Yettaw e'stato condannato a 7 anni di lavori forzati. 2009-08-11T09:36:18.3370000+02:00 http://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=5740bdf13053487d875349301bd2ec63&docid=dd5737ee4be44630909967005d87b2c1 Tue, 11 Aug 2009 07:36:18 GMT