https://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewCategory.aspx?lang=it&catid=56918c97ba3b41ea98190afc3a2e8141 994b0724663e443d99b05e20f0b58f7e 2008-03-14T17:54:31.7870000+01:00 Federation of Trade Unions - Burma (FTUB) DATABASE DEPARTMENT – 23th May 2006 Myanmar drafting law on special industrial zone Myanmar is drafting a law for running a special industrial zone with the establishment of 100- percent foreign investment, the local Voice Weekly reported Tuesday. So far, the draft law on the Thilawa Special Industrial Zone was completed to a certain extent, and will be soon introduced once it is finalized, the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) was quoted as saying. Organizations involved in drafting the law include two ministries -- Industry-1 and Commerce as well as the UMFCCI. According to the UMFCCI, the Thilawa zone will become the first export concentration zone in which all formalities for export of the zone's products will be handled. The law may include restriction on investment by domestic national entrepreneurs alone unless it is done with joint investment with foreign counterparts, the sources said. However, the main aim of the law is to absorb inflow of foreign investment to promote Myanmar's industrial development, the sources added. There has been 19 industrial zones across Myanmar, of which five are situated at new satellite towns of Yangon such as Hlaingtharya, Dagon Myothit, Shwepyitha, Shwepaukkan, Mingaladon and Thanlyin-Kyauktan. Of these industrial zones in Yangon, the 453-hectare Hlaingtharya zone is regarded as the most developed one. There are about 8,000 private industries in the 19 industrial zones in the country, according to statistics. Source: Xinhua NEW CALLS TO RELEASE SUU KYI – 23th May 2006 A surprise meeting between Myanmar’s long-time pro-democracy detainee Aung San Suu Kyi and the UN has taken place, with the US leading renewed calls for her release. The United States is pressing Yangon to release her this week when her house arrest expires. The State Department said Washington was pleased that UN undersecretary for political affairs Ibrahim Gambari was able to see Aung San Suu Kyi in Yangon on Saturday, but said this did not reflect progress in democratic reforms. "The regime's decision to allow them to meet is positive, but by itself does not constitute progress," department spokesman Justin Higgins said. "The regime can show progress by releasing Aung San Suu Kyi no later than May 27, when her detention order expires, and by engaging all political actors in a genuine dialogue that empowers Burma's people to determine their own future," Mr Higgins said. At the United Nations, US Ambassador John Bolton meanwhile pressed for Mr Gambari, who is due back in the US later this week, to brief the Security Council on his talks with Aung San Suu Kyi. He said his request was backed by Britain, Denmark, France, Japan and Slovakia and met no opposition. The US envoy said he did not contemplate additional measures, such as a call for a formal council meeting on Myanmar, but said he "did not foreclose the possibility of taking additional steps" once Mr Gambari gives his briefing. In a surprise move, Myanmar's military rulers allowed Mr Gambari to see 60-year-old Nobel peace laureate Aung San Suu Kyi at a military guest house in Yangon Saturday for about one hour. The meeting followed Mr Gambari's talks with Myanmar's reclusive leader Senior General Than Shwe at a secret jungle compound outside the central town of Pyinmana. The junta crushed pro-democracy demonstrations in 1988 and two years later rejected the results of national elections won by the National League for Democracy, headed by Aung San Suu Kyi. The last foreign visitor to see the opposition leader was Malaysia's Razali Ismail, the UN special envoy for Myanmar, in March 2004. Last December, the Security Council held an unprecedented briefing on Myanmar to send a signal to its military rulers that they must stop stalling on genuine democratic reforms. Mr Gambari then delivered the briefing at the request of the United States and other Western members of the council, focusing on reports of human rights abuses, the detention of political prisoners and Myanmar's refusal to grant access to a UN special envoy. But several members, including Russia and China, object to putting Myanmar on the council's formal agenda. They argue that developments in the southeast Asian country do not amount to a threat to international peace and security that would warrant formal Security Council involvement. Last November, the UN General Assembly adopted a resolution slamming Yangon's systematic violations of human rights, including extrajudicial killings, use of torture, rape, forced labour and harassment of political opponents. New Report Details Deaths of 127 Burmese Democracy Activists in Custody: AAPP Calls for UN Security Council Action in Burma Bangkok, 23 May - Asiantribune.com - The Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma) (AAPP), a watchdog group on the political prisoners of Burma languishing in the Burma’s notorious prisons, today released a 148 page report detailing the deaths of 127 democracy activists in custody in Burma. The report, entitled “Eight Seconds of Silence: The Death of Democracy Activists behind Bars,” notes that all the deaths were result of torture or ill- treatment, and comes at a time when deaths of democracy activists behind bars have been increasing significantly. In 2005 and early 2006 alone, ten activists have died from torture and ill-treatment while in custody. The AAPP submits this report along with “The Darkness We See: Torture in Burma’s Interrogation Centers and Prisons,” a landmark report on the use of torture in Burma released by the AAPP last December, to the newly-established UN Human Rights Council, which will convene its first meeting on June 19, 2006 in Geneva, through the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Ms. Louise Arbour. The AAPP expects the human rights violations perpetrated by the brutal junta, and the deepening political and social crises in Burma, to be a test case for the Human Rights Council, which has replaced the much-criticized and ineffective UN Commission on Human Rights (UNCHR). Despite the 13 consecutive resolutions on Burma the UNHCR adopted, it was unable to make the Burmese junta comply with any of them. Since 1988, at least 127 democracy activists have died in custody. 90 of these deaths have been in the prisons, 8 in the interrogation centers, 4 in the labor camps and 10 shortly after release. Further, 15 cases of disappearances have been documented as well. Though the AAPP has documented 127 cases of death in custody, there are likely numerous more cases of death. Even those cases documented are not complete due to the current political situation in the country. Only when Burma is free and democratic will the full extent of the regimes crimes be known. Thus, the AAPP is calling on the UN Security Council to adopt a binding resolution on Burma to empower the Secretary-General Kofi Annan in his efforts to facilitate national reconciliation and democratization in Burma. "As the report shows, many courageous Burmese have been willing to risk torture and death rather than renounce their beliefs or give up their non-violent struggle" says Tom Malinowski, Washington Advocacy Director of Human Rights Watch. "The report rightly urges the UN Security Council to become engaged on Burma...The Burmese government's policies clearly threaten the Burmese peoples; they also threaten the stability of Burma's neighbors and thus merit Security Council action" Currently, there are 1,156 political prisoners in Burma, all of whom face potential torture and ill-treatment, and possible death. "Nothing is more revealing about the situation of human rights in a country than the existence of political prisoners…In recognition and fulfillment of its pledge first made fifteen years ago and repeatedly since, to honor the political will of the people of Myanmar, the release of all remaining political prisoners will signal the preparedness of the Government to now rise to its outstanding responsibility. Once freed, they could have a decisive role in Myanmar’s long-anticipated transition to democracy. The postponement of democratic reform can be justified no longer." says Professor Paulo Sergio Pinheiro, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Burma, who has monitored the situation in Burma for six years. Eight Seconds of Silence looks for the first time at the aftermath of democracy activists' deaths. In Burma, when a democracy activist dies behind bars, their corpse is sometimes cremated and buried with out the consent of the family. This is done in order to hide the true circumstances of the death. Family members are often offered bribes to remain silence about the deaths of their loved ones. When a family is allowed to bury their loved ones, they still must adhere to the orders of the authorities. The authorities are known to set arbitrary funeral dates for deceased political prisoners, leaving some family members unable to attend the funeral. Military Intelligence infiltrates many funerals, taking note of those who attend so that they can be detained and interrogated at a later time. The cause of death for political prisoners is never truthfully recorded. The authorities pressure doctors to falsify autopsy reports, and then use these reports to explain away any accusations of torture and ill-treatment. Because families have no independent witnesses or verification of the cause of their loved one’s death, they are unable to contest the authorities' explanation. The military regime's oppression extends even into death. "We have released this report to expose the true circumstances of our colleague’s deaths. They are modern day martyrs in the struggle to free Burma,” says Tate Naing, Secretary of the AAPP, "Though this report exposes the brutality that has led to the deaths of democracy activists, it also shows the courage of these fallen men and women. While they did not live to see the realization of their dream, their memory is carried in the hearts of those who continue to struggle for the realization of a free Burma." Asian Tribune – Myanmar raises electricity price Xinhua, Yangon Myanmar has raised the electricity charge prices beginning this month, advising the country's people to use electricity more efficiently and keep away from overuse of it, according to a latest notification of the state-run electricity supplier. Electricity prices have gone up to 25 kyats (0.02 US dollar) per unit to be charged uniformly from previous prices which differed from 2.5 kyats to 25 kyats per 1 to 200 units, the notification issued by the Myanmar Electric Power Enterprise said. The old system of collecting electricity charge had remained in force for seven years since May 1999 until April 2006. The present readjustment of the electricity prices marked the end of government's subsidy for civil servants, pensioners and religious buildings ever since, observers said. Electricity consumers viewed that the new prices were introduced in line with the sharp increase of salaries of government employees since April. Commander to explain resignation to Army headquarters Narinjara News - Sun 21 May 2006 The Burmese Army brass have summoned Lt Col Thu Raing Naing, commander of Light Infantry battalion LIB 263 based in Buthidaung, to explain his resignation. On May 19 he left for Dakasa, the regional control army headquarters in Akyab, the capital of Arakan state, western Burma, after the army authorities summoned him to explain his submission of a resignation letter to army headquarters. Lt Col Naing submitted his resignation to the Western Command and sent a copy to army headquarters in Rangoon three months ago, said a source close to Lt Col Naing. According to sources, the higher army authorities asked Lt Col Thu Rain Naing, several questions regarding his resignation. Moreover, the army authorities in Rangoon instructed Lt Col Thu Rain Naing to send six recommendation letters, including four letters of testimonials for his resignation from the Western Command Commander, Chief of Dakasa, Regional Control Headquarters, and Chief Commander of Military Operation Management Command 5 based in Buthidaung to the Rangoon military headquarters. However the officers of the four-army departments have refused to issue the testimonials for Lt Col Naing's resignation. Hence, he has been summoned by the army brass to Dakasa headquarters for interrogation regarding his resignation from the Burmese Army. A source close to the army said that he might face punishment or a jail term if he refuses to serve in the Burmese Army. Lt Col Thu Rain Naing was on the frontline near the Burmese and Bangladeshi border before he left for the Dakasa headquarters in Akyab. Myanmar won't explore within Bangladesh waters Foreign secy tells of Yangon assurance - Unb, Dhaka (Vol. 5 Num 703 Mon. May 22, 2006 , the daily Star newspaper) Myanmar authorities have assured Bangladesh that they would never encroach on Bangladesh's territorial waters, saying that they believe in good neighbourly relations as the two countries have agreed on a number of issues of cooperation. The assurance was given to Foreign Secretary Hemayetuddin during his visit to Yangon where he held the first formal foreign secretary-level consultations with Myanmar Deputy Foreign Minister U Kyaw Thu on May 19. "They (Myanmar) do not believe they have made any encroachment…They assured that they will never encroach on Bangladesh's territorial waters at any point of time," Hemayet told newsmen at the foreign ministry yesterday on his return from Yangon. Bangladesh earlier had lodged protests to both Myanmar and India against exploring hydrocarbon into Bangladesh's maritime Boundary in the Bay of Bengal. Describing his consultation as constructive and fruitful, Hemayet said all bilateral issues, including repatriation of Rohingya refugees, border security, road connection and bilateral trade and investment, were discussed during the talks. He said the Myanmar side have agreed to repatriate the remaining 21,172 l Rohingyas sheltered in Cox's Bazar. They expressed readiness to take back 8,000 already cleared by Myanmar authorities and then the remaining ones. The two sides agreed to strengthen border security to stop illegal movements, particularly of drug smugglers and gunrunners. They agreed on holding frequent meetings between the border guards of the two countries to maintain a secure and peaceful border. Hemayet said the two sides have agreed to increase the trade volume through border and coastal trade by improving the banking system and shipping lines. Myanmar expressed keen interest in importing more pharmaceutical products from Bangladesh, he added. Two-way trade favours Myanmar as Bangladesh imported $ 32.43 million against its export of $ 4.18 million in 2004-05 fiscal year. The Myanmar side also agreed to ease the visa regime for businessmen by extending visa for at least 15 days, the foreign secretary said. On the construction of Bangladesh-Myanmar road, Hemayet said the two sides would soon sign a memorandum of understanding on the construction of 25 kilometres road (2 km on the Bangladesh side and 23 km on the Myanmar side) as the two subcommittees completed study on technical and financial aspects. The proposed road could be linked with Kunming of China on consultation with the Chinese government to establish a greater connectivity in the region. The two sides also discussed cooperation in defence in the form of training of military personnel. On the stalled project for tri-nation gas pipeline, Hemayet said the Myanmar side raised the issue when he told them that settlement of some bilateral issues with India could make the way for the trans-border pipeline. About the release of Bangladeshis in Myanmar prisons, Hemayet said he urged his counterpart to take humanitarian look at some Bangladeshi nationals imprisoned over there. Some 89 Bangladeshis, mostly fishermen, are now imprisoned in Myanmar while some 500 Myanmar nationals are in Bangladeshi jails. Senior UN official meets with Myanmar's Aung San Suu Kyi YANGON, Myanmar (AP) - The UN's top political official met Saturday with detained Myanmar pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi, who had been barred from meeting foreigners for more than two years, people close to Myanmar officials said. The two met for about one hour at a government guesthouse where visiting UN. Undersecretary-General for Political Affairs Ibrahim Gambari was staying, according to the people, who demanded anonymity for fear of reprisals. Gambari arrived in Myanmar on Thursday to press the ruling military junta to restore democracy and cease human rights violations. The visit is the first in more than two years by a high-level UN representative. The last foreigner to see Nobel Peace Prize laureate Suu Kyi was UN special envoy Razali Ismail, who saw her in March 2004. Residents near Suu Kyi's villa on Yangon's University Avenue said they saw a black vehicle with tinted windows leave the compound and soon afterward pull into the guesthouse, about five minutes from her residence. The same vehicle later returned to her villa. Earlier Saturday, Gambari held talks with the leader of the military junta, Senior Gen. Than Shwe, on human rights and prospects for restoring democracy. The United Nations has been one of the louder voices calling for democratic reforms in Myanmar, also called Burma, and the junta has responded by barring UN special envoys from the country. Razali resigned from his job as special envoy to Myanmar in frustration shortly after his 2004 visit. Gambari flew to the country's new administrative capital, Naypyidaw, 400 kilometres north of Yangon, for the meeting with Than Shwe. Other top junta leaders, including Gen. Maung Aye and Prime Minister Soe Win, were also present at the one-hour meeting, but details were not immediately available. Gambari earlier met with other senior government officials and a representative of Suu Kyi's party, the National League for Democracy. The party had asked Gambari to request a meeting with Suu Kyi when he met the junta chief, stressing that Suu Kyi must be included in any dialogue process. Suu Kyi has been detained for about 10 of the last 17 years, mostly under house arrest. Gambari was scheduled to brief diplomats and representatives of UN agencies on Saturday evening before concluding his visit, diplomatic officials said. © The Canadian Press, 2006 Australian opposition calls for sanctions against Burma junta May 20, 2006 (DVB) - The Australian federal opposition party is calling on the ruling government of the country to consider imposing sanctions against Burma’s military government, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC). Labor Party’s shadow attorney-general Nicola Roxon has told a crowd of protesters outside the Burmese Embassy in Canberra that it is time for action, according to a report from the Australian administrative capital. Ms Roxon says the Australian Government has to take a more active interest in Burma. "We need to move beyond just saying we can have constructive dialogue with the Burmese Government to looking at ways to put more pressure on them," she said. "Can we have sanctions, can we actually push this further to say that we do not approve of the military regime running the country and what they are doing to their own people?" Gambari Meets Senior NLD Members By Yeni - May 19, 2006 A top UN envoy met senior members of Burma’s main opposition party National League for Democracy on Friday afternoon at a government guest house. Under-Secretary-General for Political Affairs Ibrahim Gambari talked with NLD chairman Aung Shwe and five other senior members in an hour-long discussion about how the UN can help the country move in the direction of national reconciliation. “We are very pleased to hear the UN envoy’s commitment,” said Han Thar Myint, a spokesperson for the NLD. “We told him we believe that we can achieve true national reconciliation through compromise and dialogue.” “We also urged him to push the government to allow a meeting with our detained leader [Suu Kyi],” added Han Thar Myint. “We strongly recommended that she is the key to the process of national reconciliation.” The UN envoy has also asked to meet Suu Kyi, who has spent more than 10 of the last 17 years under house arrest. But whether the government will allow the meeting is still unclear and considered unlikely. Gambari met yesterday with Foreign Minister Nyan Win and other senior government officials shortly after his arrival at the start of a three-day visit. He also reportedly met with representatives from the pro-government Union Solidarity and Development Association. Gambari’s three-day mission is intended to determine what can be done to help the military-ruled country move “in the direction of all-inclusive democracy, sustainable development and true national reconciliation,” according to a UN statement. But today’s state-run newspaper The New Light of Myanmar said that Gambari’s trip was at “the invitation of the Minister for Foreign Affairs.” However, the UN envoy is believed to be meeting with junta chief Snr-Gen Than Shwe at the new administrative capital Naypyidaw before his departure on Saturday, and he is expected to push for more rapid movement towards democratic reform and human rights. “Under-Secretary-General Gambari is in Myanmar [Burma] to convey a clear message that the country’s prospects for improved relations with the international community will depend on tangible progress in restoring democratic freedoms and full respect for human rights,” UN spokesman Stephane Dujarric said yesterday in New York. Over the past several years, the UN and the international community have been pushing Burma’s rulers to release all political prisoners, including Suu Kyi, and allow the opposition to participate in the process of democratization. Last year, Gambari delivered a briefing at the UN Security Council on the deteriorating situation in Burma—especially violence against ethnic groups, restrictions on aid agencies and intimidation of the opposition. https://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=56918c97ba3b41ea98190afc3a2e8141&docid=994b0724663e443d99b05e20f0b58f7e Fri, 14 Mar 2008 16:54:31 GMT 8406b0fd7a244cdd8e6be2d5d06b9b00 2008-03-14T17:56:01.6330000+01:00 https://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=56918c97ba3b41ea98190afc3a2e8141&docid=8406b0fd7a244cdd8e6be2d5d06b9b00 Fri, 14 Mar 2008 16:56:01 GMT 3b167fcfab1c4b4ab59b57ebc2dd219e Federazione dei Sindacati Birmani Responsabilità e diritti Libertà per Myo Aung Thant, Membro del Comitato Esecutivo Centrale, FTUB, condannato ingiustamente all'ergastolo Al momento del suo arresto il 13 giugno 1997 presso l’aeroporto Mingaladon di Rangoon al rientro da una missione sindacale della Federazione dei Sindacati Birmani (FTUB) in Tailandia, Myo Aung Thant era membro sindacale della società petrolchimica birmana All Burma Petro-Chemical Corporation, con tessera numero 029. Nel 1995 divenne membro del Comitato Esecutivo Centrale della Federazione dei sindacati birmani (FTUB). Myo Aung Thant è un sindacalista dedicato alla causa del ripristino del diritto dei lavoratori di associarsi e di organizzarsi in Birmania. Nel corso di una conferenza stampa presieduta dal Generale Khin Nyunt (capo dei servizi di intelligence militare dello SLORC, il Consiglio di Stato per il ripristino della legge e dell’ordine) tenutasi a Rangoon il 27 giugno 1997, Myo Aung Thant è stato accusato di alto tradimento per presunte attività terroristiche, tra cui il contrabbando di esplosivi. Si tratta di un’accusa priva di fondamento, dato che lo FTUB ed il movimento sindacale birmano ricorrono esclusivamente a tattiche non violente per il ripristino della democrazia in Birmania. La presunta prova fornita dall’intelligence militare birmana era costituita da esplosivi rinvenuti dallo SLORC presso l’area portuale di Kawthaung, a centinaia di chilometri di distanza da Rangoon, dove Myo Aung Thant veniva arrestato. In effetti, la reale motivazione dell’arresto di Myo Aung Thant va ricercata nell’utilizzo di un telefono satellitare non registrato, utilizzato per lo scambio di informazioni con FTUB ed altri movimenti democratici in esilio considerati come organizzazioni illegali da parte della giunta militare birmana. Il Generale Khin Nyunt lo aveva inoltre accusato di mantenere contatti con la Lega Nazionale per la Democrazia (NLD), il partito politico che si è aggiudicato le elezioni del 1990 e che dal 1991 è presieduto dal Premio Nobel per la pace Aung San Suu Kyi. Nonostante il fatto che la Birmania abbia ratificato la Convenzione 87 dell’OIL che garantisce il diritto della libertà di associazione, Myo Aung Thant è stato anche accusato di reclutamento di nuovi iscritti al sindacato come se ciò costituisse un crimine. Tra gli altri “atti pericolosi” di cui è stato accusato da parte del SPDC, il Consiglio di Stato per la pace e lo sviluppo, vanno citati l’assistenza ai sindacalisti internazionali durante le visite a Rangoon, la redazione di rapporti sulla piaga dei “lavoratori a basso reddito” e le “lamentele e rimostranze sull’elevato costo della vita”, oltre ad aver preso accordi per la produzione di un video su Aung San Suu Kyi. Il 15 agosto 1997, dopo un processo farsa durante il quale gli è stata negata la possibilità di ricorrere ad un legale, Myo Aung Thant è stato condannato all’ergastolo per l’accusa di tradimento, oltre ad un’ulteriore condanna a sette anni (sezione 5 della Legge del 1950 sugli atti di emergenza). Evidentemente, la giunta militare non ha ritenuto sufficiente la pena dell’ergastolo. Lo SLORC ha fornito un legale l’ufficio, legale che però si è rifiutato di fornire una linea di difesa nel corso del processo, essendo apparso evidente che il verdetto era già stato scritto. Il tribunale militare speciale dello SLORC che ha pronunciato la sentenza ha fatto ricorso ad una confessione dello stesso Myo Aung Thant strappatagli tramite tortura fisica ed abusi psicologici durante il periodo di detenzione. L’immagine del volto di Myo Aung Thant in una foto scattata durante il periodo di detenzione e pubblicata su un quotidiano controllato dal governo evidenzia segni di edema probabilmente causati da violenze fisiche. Il processo è durato solamente tre giorni e non ha fatto altro che confermare il verdetto di colpevolezza di Myo Aung Thant già scritto dallo SLORC. Myo Aung Thant è stato relegato nel carcere di Insein, nei sobborghi di Rangoon, fino alla seconda metà del 1998, quando è stato trasferito nel carcere di Myitkyina, nel lontano stato del Kachin, all’estremo nord della Birmania. Durante il periodo di detenzione a Insein ai fratelli è stato concesso di fargli visita una volta al mese, ma dopo il trasferimento nello stato del Kachin la possibilità di fargli visita si è ridotta ad una volta ogni tre mesi in ragione del costo da sostenere per recarsi presso il lontano carcere. Aye Ma Gyi, moglie di Myo Aung Thant, è stata anch’essa arrestata dai militari in concomitanza con l’arresto del marito. Aye Ma Gyi è stata processata e condannata dallo stesso tribunale militare in qualità di complice del marito e condannata ad una pena di dieci anni di detenzione. Attualmente dopo aver scontato cinque anni di carcere nella prigione di Insein è fuggita in Tailandia con le figlie. Nella conferenza stampa del 27 giugno del 1997 Aye Ma Gyi è stata accusata di complicità nelle attività del marito e di avere fornito a gruppi in esilio un elenco di numeri di fax di ministri del governo birmano. 2008-03-14T17:55:29.3200000+01:00 https://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=56918c97ba3b41ea98190afc3a2e8141&docid=3b167fcfab1c4b4ab59b57ebc2dd219e Fri, 14 Mar 2008 16:55:29 GMT d7ed4ae7bb2d4986a21a8f5a2a1bf16d Circa 700 lavoratori della New Way, una azienda di scarpe situata a n.180 Khan Thar street nella zona industriale 4 della Township di Thar Yar a Rangoon hanno inscenato una manifestazione di protesta per chiedere aumenti salariali e per aumentare il pagamento degli straordinari. I lavoratori hanno cominciato la manifestazione alle ore 9 ed hanno chiesto un aumento salariale sul salario mensile di 3.500 sino a 5000 Kyats (4,77 Euro) ed un aumento del pagamento degli straordinari di 100 Kyats l'ora su un salario di 50 Kyats. Funzionari del ministero del lavor hanno richiesto ai lavoratori di entrare in fabbrica e di negoziare con la direzione aziendale. E' stato finalmente raggiunto un accordo e la direzione si è impegnata a pagare altri 2000 Kyats al mese e 100 Kyats per i pasti. 2008-03-14T17:37:58.4130000+01:00 https://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=56918c97ba3b41ea98190afc3a2e8141&docid=d7ed4ae7bb2d4986a21a8f5a2a1bf16d Fri, 14 Mar 2008 16:37:58 GMT 131d3b02e4f747498c86a6dfd4a8edfd Pubblichiamo la lunga e bella intervista rilasciata da Maung Maung, Segretario Generale della Federation of Trade Unions of Burma (FTUB) e del National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB) all’ITUC, massima organizzazione del sindacato internazionale. Maung Maung affronta tutte le principali questioni sul tappeto in Birmania, parlando di lavoro forzato, libertà d'associazione e diritti sindacali, diritti dei migranti, sanzioni, relazioni con la Cina, arresti e processo a Aung San Suu Kyi, Elezioni del 2010, Costituzione, collasso economico e ricchezza in Birmania. Maung Maung è stato pochi giorni fa ospite del Congresso CISL, partecipando poi anche alla storica Conferenza stampa congiunta tra Raffaele Bonanni e il Ministro degli Esteri Frattini per la liberazione immediata di Aung San Suu Kyi e di tutti i prigionieri politici. (Pubblichiamo l'intervista in inglese. Puoi leggerla in originale sul sito dell'ITUC, vai su http://www.ituc-csi.org/spip.php?article3833) 2014-02-17T16:10:35.4870000+01:00 Maung Maung - Fonte ITUC (http://www.ituc-csi.org/spip.php?article3833) Brussels, 5 June 2009 (ITUC OnLine) - The FTUB (Federation of Trade Unions of Burma) held its first ever Congress in March 2009. Its general secretary, Maung Maung, talks about the Burmese trade union movement and the current state of affairs in Burma: international sanctions, the trial of Aung San Suu Kyi, the 2010 elections, the economic collapse, etc. The first congress of the FTUB, held in Mae Sot (Thailand) in March 2009, was considered to be a great success. What has it done for your organisation? After 20 years of fighting for a democratic Burma and for workers’ rights in the country, this first congress was indeed a success. First of all, we adopted a constitution based on international standards. Then, we were able to secure the participation of workers from inside Burma and workers’ rights were widely discussed during the congress. Over the years, the FTUB has built up a trade union network inside Burma. That’s how we managed to secure the participation of representatives from a range of sectors such as textiles, clothing, health, education, agriculture, forestry and public services. The FTUB continues to be illegal in Burma. How are these trade unionists able to represent workers when trade union activities are prohibited? We are not officially in a position to bargain collectively, but workers can get together and ask their employer to respect their rights, if overtime is not paid, for example. We are happy to be able to operate in this way, at least, even though the junta refuses to officially register our organisation. It is an underground movement that is reaching cruising speed. Do workers’ representatives not face reprisals? Twenty-eight FTUB members are currently serving long prison sentences because of their trade union activities. So there are risks, but at the moment, when representatives speak, all the other workers sit behind them. It provides the representatives with a physical presence, a source of support. We have seen cases where a representative has been fired on one pretext or another, for having arrived late, for example, but the workers protest, saying that if he is late, they are all late. Collective movements are therefore taking shape in workplaces. What activities does the FTUB conduct outside of Burma? Our main task is to raise awareness about the rights of workers living in Burma, through media interviews, for example. We are working with the international trade union movement, the ITUC in particular, but also with a number of global union federations. The SUB (Seafarers Union of Burma), for example, is now affiliated to the ITF (International Transport Workers’ Federation). The ITF has often worked with Thai trade unionists on the issue of the ships that come to the port of Bangkok using flags of convenience. The ITF Asia-Pacific regional secretary, Shigi Wada, went to Burma to try to convince the military junta to recognise the SUB, but to no avail thus far. You also carry out a lot of solidarity action for Burmese migrants... The FTUB has a migrant labour secretariat. There are almost 2 million Burmese migrants in Thailand; about 500,000 of these are registered. We are trying to raise their awareness about human trafficking. We tell them that when they are in a country where they have the chance to register, they should do so, as it means that they can then use the host country’s legal and justice system. The FTUB also tries to provide migrants with legal representation. In Thailand, we are working with NGOs and the Law Society of Thailand to offer them this legal representation. We have won over ten cases that have concluded with the migrants being paid compensation, whether they are registered or not. There have been cases regarding unpaid wages, accidents at work, etc. We dealt with the case of a young woman, Masuu, burnt to death by her employer who was accusing her of theft. Her murderer, a Thai military officer, was sent to prison. The Thai justice system allows migrants to defend their rights. We also have our own school for migrants’ children in Mae Sot, with over 240 pupils. It receives support from the union of the Japanese communications company NTT. The FTUB also tries to organise Burmese migrants and have them join host country unions, because everyone benefits from unity between migrant workers and those of the host community. That’s what we are doing in Thailand and in Malaysia, where we have 50,000 migrants, and we have also managed to form two Burmese migrants’ union in Japan, which are registered with the authorities in compliance with Japanese legislation. The FTUB and the ITUC are calling for heavier international economic sanctions against the military junta. What would you say to those who argue that sanctions do more harm to the poor people of Burma? There will always be people who are against sanctions, especially in business circles. Having said that, the European Union’s sanctions are having no impact, neither on the regime nor the people, because they only exist on paper. There is no mechanism for applying them within the 27 member states of the European Union. We have a database, for example, of all the products exported to EU countries which shows that the sanctions linked to the GSP (generalised system of preferences) are not applied. The ban on European visas for the leaders of the regime is a positive and encouraging sign in terms of morale, as it shows the regime that it is isolated from the international community, but it has no major impact in practical terms. It is very different in the United States, where all the customs and immigration systems are under the control of a single government. U.S. sanctions work, and the regime is worried about them, unlike the European sanctions. We would like to see sanctions that have a direct impact on the regime, such as in the area of financial services. The European Union could ban the Burmese junta’s use of the euro in financial services, as the United States have done with the dollar. The insurance and reinsurance sector has nothing to do with the rice paddy or factory workers, etc. It does, however, affect the planes and ships in the hands of the regime’s cronies, whose activities would be blocked if there was no insurance: their timber, their companies’ products could no longer be exported if their ships were no longer insured. Insurance is only a small sector, but it has an impact on all the rest. We are therefore calling for sanctions targeting insurance and financial transactions. According to some opponents of sanctions, they will have no impact whilst China continues to be an ally of the junta, because the generals will continue to trade with China... That is not entirely accurate. The Chinese are good businessmen; they do not give the generals anything for nothing. On the contrary, everything that is exported to China is done so at very low prices, lower than international prices. Aside from a few traders in Yunnan province, trade with Burma is insignificant for the Chinese economy, which is huge. China wants stability in the region. Yet everyone knows that with such a regime, and with Aung San Suu Kyi in prison, there will never be any stability. China is well aware that Burma must evolve towards stability. What about the trial of Aung San Suu Kyi, who has been accused of letting an American swim to her home despite being under house arrest. This story seems absurd. Could the incident really have taken place the way the regime has presented it? When Aung San Suu Kyi’s lawyers asked the police if there were guards at the back of her house, they did not respond. Yet they are supposed to guard all around the house. It’s strange... And then, the ex-wife of this American said that she was very surprised to hear that he had swum so far, given that he suffers from chronic asthma. To swim so far, in the dark, carrying supplies, you would have to be a soldier trained in special operations, which you can see by looking at his photo that this man is clearly not. We do not think he was operating alone. We are not saying he is a spy, but that he was unwittingly part of a scheme. He may claim that he was acting according to his own conscience, but I think that a third party pushed him in this direction in order to keep Aung San Suu Kyi out of public sight, to stop her from taking part in the 2010 elections. Why is the FTUB calling for a boycott of the 2010 elections? The main reason is the Constitution adopted following the 2008 referendum, held two weeks after Cyclone Nargis, which led to 100,000 deaths in Burma. Everyone thought that the referendum would be postponed, but the regime went ahead with it. It was neither fair nor free, and even before it was held, the National Convention that drew up the draft Constitution was not representative. Our national leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, for example, should have been one of the figures involved, but she was under house arrest for the entire period during which the draft Constitution was being drawn up, which lasted 10 years! Aung San Suu Kyi’s party won the last elections in 1990. It was there at the beginning of the discussions on the new Constitution, but as soon as it started to ask questions and to ask for amendments, it was denied any participation. There are other problems linked to this Constitution. The ethnic groups who, like all of us, want a federal system in Burma were not able to discuss it. And then, the military said that they would have 25% of the seats in parliament, without even standing for election. The Constitution also prohibits a whole series of Burmese people from standing for election: those who have lived outside Burma for five years or more, those who are married to foreigners, those who have a child that has been living outside of Burma for five years or more... All of this shows that the regime has introduced clauses into the Constitution that will allow it to ban Aung San Suu Kyi from taking part in the elections. Amendments are needed to allow all these people to be candidates. Is a bad election not better than no election at all? The current generals will not give up their control over the country. There is no chance of a lesser evil being elected. The ILO is implementing a project against forced labour in Burma. Is the FTUB satisfied with this programme? We would like this project to be extended, with the opening of a second ILO office in the country, so that more people can report cases of forced labour to the ILO. The FTUB is satisfied with the current office: its employees have tried to visit the places where the victims of forced labour come from and there are more people who know that they can interact with the ILO. They are still reticent, but as compared with last year, the number of people filing complaints has substantially increased. It’s a positive thing, because we have to let people know that the ILO is there for them, that they have the right to testify. In September 2007, the rise in the cost of living sparked demonstrations. What is the economic situation now? A person holding a management position, who speaks English and has a degree, earns around 150,000 kyat a month (150 dollars on the black market). A factory worker earns around 30 dollars a month, but if you look at the wage slip, you will see that the basic is only around 3,500 kyat (3.50 dollars) a month, and then there’s the overtime (around 5,000 kyat), the wages for Saturdays and Sundays, ... If you only work 8 hours a day, 5 days a week, you only earn 3.50 dollars a month! Yet rice, the staple food in Burma, costs about a dollar a day for a family of three. So unless both parents work, there is no way of having something to eat every day. Many people are without fixed employment. On the outskirts of Rangoon, a family gets up early, prepares food for breakfast and lunch, then they clean the plates and take them, along with covers, clothes and a mosquito net, to someone who gives them money in exchange. The father then goes to Rangoon with this money to look for work. The mother and child wait for him to come back. When he comes home, if he has enough money to buy back the things pawned in the morning, they can recover them. Sometimes the man does not come back, because he is ashamed of not having found work in town. In one industrial zone, there is a place called "Lin-Hmaw-Gone" which means "the place where you look forward to your husband coming back", because many people go there in the morning to the local pawnbroker. Yet Burma has a wealth of natural resources... We have offshore oil and gas. We sell it to Thailand and we are supposed to sell it to China and India, but where is the electricity for the population? In Rangoon, at night, they have to alternate the electricity supply between neighbourhoods. Children still have to study by candlelight! We also export the best wood in the world, especially to Europe, but the victims of Cyclone Nargis still don’t have a home because they do not have the money to buy the timber. Interview by Samuel Grumiau. The ITUC represents 170 million workers in 312 affiliated national organisations from 157 countries. http://www.youtube.com/ITUCCSI. For more information, please contact the ITUC Press Department on: +32 2 224 0204 or +32 476 621 018 (Puoi leggere l'intervista in originale su http://www.ituc-csi.org/spip.php?article3833) https://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=56918c97ba3b41ea98190afc3a2e8141&docid=131d3b02e4f747498c86a6dfd4a8edfd Mon, 17 Feb 2014 15:10:35 GMT 16a7592103294fd8898616e474098886 Confederazione Internazionale dei Sindacati– CIS-ITUC (Bruxelles, 2 ottobre 2009): Sono trascorsi due anni dalla Rivoluzione Zafferano in cui decine di migliaia di birmani si riversarono per le strade del paese. Da allora nulla è cambiato: il lavoro forzato e la repressione delle libertà fondamentali costituiscono ancora parte della realtà quotidiana della Birmania. Maung Maung, segretario generale della FTUB, la Federazione dei Sindacati birmani, spiega come i sindacalisti proseguano comunque nella propria battaglia agendo al meglio delle proprie possibilità in questo clima di oppressione. 2009-10-06T09:58:48.1030000+02:00 In Birmania la FTUB è stata messa al bando, ma potete contare su una rete clandestina di attivisti. Che tipo di azione stanno portando avanti nel paese? In questo momento i nostri membri stanno raccogliendo prove di casi di violazioni dei diritti sindacali, diritti che in Birmania non esistono. Inoltre prosegue la battaglia contro il lavoro forzato tramite l’organizzazione di brevi corsi di formazione nei quali viene spiegato cosa significhi lavoro forzato e come sia possibile denunciare i casi all’ILO. Si tratta di un’attività importante, dato che in Birmania sussiste un certo grado di ambiguità sulla definizione di lavoro forzato: in numerosi casi le autorità richiedono ai cittadini di svolgere quello che chiamano “lavoro volontario” una volta alla settimana o una volta al mese, ad esempio per svolgere interventi di manutenzione in determinati luoghi. I cittadini sono tenuti a svolgere questo lavoro gratuitamente e sebbene questo non venga sempre considerato lavoro forzato la gente sa che se dovesse protestare ne conseguirebbero problemi con i militari e, di conseguenza, la repressione. Inoltre disponiamo di una nostra struttura interna che svolge attività sindacali, educa i lavoratori su cosa sia un sindacato, su come sia possibile lavorare insieme, eccetera. Queste attività formative devono essere organizzate perché i lavoratori birmani non hanno nessuna idea di ciò che sia il sindacalismo? Il regime militare è riuscito a chiudere gli occhi e le orecchie dei birmani, a isolare la nazione. La gente conosce la parola “sindacato”, ma non sa cosa significhi, né sa come funzionino e come operino i sindacati. La gente pensa che i sindacati siano controllati dal governo, che facciano solo quanto viene loro richiesto dalle autorità. Dobbiamo invece spiegare loro che sono liberi di scegliere, che hanno il diritto di costituire un sindacato indipendente. Siamo stati in grado di fornire formazione a decine di migliaia di persone in diverse parti del paese. Queste attività formative sono state progressivamente rafforzate negli ultimi cinque anni; c’è voluto del tempo per gettare le fondamenta della nostra rete nel contesto imposto dal regime. I nostri membri non sempre sanno da dove far partire il dibattito in questi corsi di formazione, né sanno sempre su quali argomenti sfoceranno le discussioni. Ad esempio, in una delle regioni rurali gli abitanti intendevano organizzare alcune attività per il 1 maggio, ma non sapevano nulla della storia di questa data o di cosa rappresentasse. Il corso di formazione si è quindi concentrato proprio su questo argomento. Siamo già riusciti a riunire 500 persone per le attività del 1 maggio. A Rangoon i nostri corsi di formazione talvolta contano tra 10 e 30 partecipanti; con loro parliamo del 1 maggio, della storia del movimento sindacale, della solidarietà sindacale e di altri argomenti. Come riuscite a raccogliere 500 persone senza che le autorità se ne accorgano? Non possiamo dire che la polizia e i servizi di intelligence dell’esercito non se ne accorgano; in effetti vi sono degli arresti. Tuttavia se i nostri membri si limitano a lavorare su questioni sindacali e questioni relative ai diritti dei lavoratori è molto difficile per il regime incarcerarli, dato che se così facessero l’ILO e la CSI interverrebbero, com’è accaduto lo scorso mese di aprile in seguito all’arresto di alcuni partecipanti al nostro primo congresso. La giunta tenta quindi di processarli con l’accusa di terrorismo. Per accuse di questo genere si può finire in carcere per 20 o 30 anni, o si può addirittura essere condannati all’ergastolo. Se il regime non è in grado di accusarli di terrorismo tenta comunque di processarli come criminali e, se possibile, come attivisti politici. Dobbiamo fare attenzione affinché i nostri membri limitino le proprie azioni alle questioni sindacali e ai diritti dei lavoratori. Così facendo abbiamo un piccolo ambito nel quale possiamo operare, sebbene non in totale sicurezza. I nostri membri sanno di essere sotto costante sorveglianza e sanno anche di non poter commettere il più piccolo errore. Da quanto tempo non esiste più un sindacato indipendente e legale in Birmania? Da ventotto anni. Questa lunga assenza ha causato una qualche apatia tra i lavoratori che, ad eccezione di quelli che hanno seguito i vostri corsi di formazione, non sanno nulla dei propri diritti? Sanno che ci sono norme sul lavoro, ma che queste si ripercuotono contro di loro; non le hanno mai viste applicate a loro favore. I lavoratori non hanno la formazione necessaria ad utilizzare queste leggi, non sanno come richiederne l’applicazione. Non hanno la forza di far sentire la propria voce e richiedere il rispetto dei propri diritti, dato che la giunta ha sempre represso tutti coloro che hanno tentato di farlo in passato. Durante i nostri dibattiti tentiamo di organizzare i lavoratori in modo tale che possano unirsi ed essere più forti insieme. Gli ultimi arresti di membri della FTUB risalgono allo scorso aprile, quando cinque delegati al vostro primo congresso sono stati incarcerati poco dopo aver fatto ritorno in Birmania. Altri membri sono stati arrestati nello stesso periodo. Con quali accuse? Le autorità hanno posto loro alcune domande sul congresso e sulle attività sindacali. Quando queste persone parteciparono al primo congresso della FTUB che si tenne nel mese di marzo in Thailandia (non potendo svolgersi in Birmania), li informammo del fatto che avrebbero potuto essere arrestati una volta fatto rientro in Birmania. Dicemmo a tutti che, qualora fossero stati arrestati, non c’era nessun bisogno di mentire nel rispondere agli interrogatori, dato che non avevano fatto nulla di male. Dovevano sentirsi liberi di dire che avevamo parlato dei problemi dei lavoratori, di come formare un sindacato. Dovevano inoltre sentirsi liberi di dire che gli stranieri che avevano incontrato al congresso erano anch’essi effettivamente sindacalisti e che non erano presenti al congresso nemmeno giornalisti o ONG. Quando furono arrestati e interrogati tutti i nostri membri risposero allo stesso modo, non fu necessario mentire, cosicché il regime non poté accusarli di essere terroristi o criminali. Quando ILO e CIS cominciarono a fare pressione furono rilasciati. Attualmente i membri della FTUB in carcere sono 30. Quali sono le loro condizioni di detenzione? In alcuni casi le condizioni sono davvero pessime, in altri leggermente migliori. Myo Aung Thant, membro del comitato esecutivo centrale della FTUB, è in prigione dal 1997. Sappiamo che soffre di pressione alta dopo così tanti anni di detenzione nel carcere di Myitkyina, nel nord del paese. Deve affrontare le tante difficoltà della regione, che tra l’altro è una delle più fredde del paese. Un altro nostro iscritto, Pho Tote, è stato condannato a 24 anni di detenzione nel dicembre 2008 e poi ad altri otto anni dopo avere protestato in carcere a nome di altri detenuti che erano stati maltrattati. Lui stesso è stato malmenato. I detenuti possono ricevere visite? Dipende. La maggior parte di loro è detenuta in carceri lontani da casa, per cui è molto difficile per le loro famiglie andarli a trovare, non avendo i mezzi per pagare il viaggio. Su questo punto cerchiamo di dare loro un supporto. Ad esempio, il carcere di Myitkyina dista oltre 1300 km da Rangoon e ci vogliono tre giorni di viaggio per raggiungerlo. Inoltre le famiglie devono mostrare alla polizia un documento in cui si dichiarino le motivazioni del viaggio, il luogo di destinazione e dove soggiorneranno una volta arrivati. Se non hanno denaro non possono soggiornare a casa di nessuno, dato che per paura nessuno ospita un familiare di un prigioniero politico. È un grave problema sociale per i detenuti, dato che le visite, oltre ad essere utili per il morale, costituiscono un modo essenziale per ottenere cibo decente e farmaci. La giunta militare è nota per il suo massiccio ricorso al lavoro forzato. La pressione internazionale e il programma dell’ILO sono riusciti a ridurre il ricorso al lavoro forzato almeno in una qualche misura? Il problema è che le modalità del regime non sono cambiate. Il regime vuole che tutti credano che stia facendo il possibile per combattere contro il lavoro forzato, ma nella realtà dei fatti non è nemmeno mentalmente pronto a non farvi più ricorso, trattandosi di uno strumento che utilizza a proprio vantaggio pratico, ma anche psicologico: se una persona in uniforme verde è in grado di perseguitare un cittadino significa che è “superiore”. Il lavoro forzato è quindi anche un modo per dire ai soldati che indossando un’uniforme entrano a far parte della classe dirigente. Anche durante le recenti offensive militari contro i gruppi etnici negli Stati Karen, Kachin e Shan, come pure lo scorso mese di agosto contro i Kokangs, ne abbiamo avuto una chiara dimostrazione, con gli abitanti dei villaggi costretti a trasportare tutte le attrezzature militari. (L'intervista è stata fatta per l'ITUC da Samuel Grumiau. Puoi leggerla in originale qui) (Questa intervista segue un'altra importante intervista rilasciata da Maung Maung a giugno, puoi leggerla qui) (5 Ottobre 2009) https://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=56918c97ba3b41ea98190afc3a2e8141&docid=16a7592103294fd8898616e474098886 Tue, 06 Oct 2009 07:58:48 GMT 98cbdc8b6810431986da6dd6ffc55ae9 Pubblichiamo l’Union View sulla Birmania presentato dall’International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) quasi in concomitanza con l’importante intervista a Maung Maung, Segretario Generale del FTUB, il sindacato birmano clandestino (che puoi leggere tradotta in italiano qui). L’Union View sulla Birmania ha un titolo significativo “Burma: trade unionists brave the tightrope”, espressione che difficilmente può essere tradotta in italiano. Basti dire che “brave” può essere reso come "affrontare con coraggio e con forza", mentre “tightrope” è la corda tesa (e pericolosa) dei funamboli. Il titolo riprende un'espressione usata da uno dei sindacalisti intervistati nel rapporto (pag. 5). 2009-10-12T23:47:21.0530000+02:00 Nonostante il rischio della prigione e della tortura, i sindacalisti operano clandestinamente per aiutare i lavoratori birmani. Raggiungono e informano migliaia di persone sui loro diritti e sostengono la lotta al lavoro forzato, una piaga ancora diffusa sotto il regime militare. Sono poi gli stessi sindacalisti birmani che assistono i migranti lavoratori che raggiungono la Thailandia. Il rapporto è diviso in alcuni paragrafi. Eccone alcuni: La lotta sindacale clandestina porta i primi frutti.Un network clandestino per formare i lavoratori.“E’ come camminare su una fune, in bilico su delle punte taglienti”. Dalla tortura degli attivisti alla detenzione dei minori per colpire i genitori: la giunta militare usa le pratiche più bieche per reprimere il sindacato.“I prigionieri devono pagare, non essere picchiati”. I prigionieri politici birmani attraversano l’inferno durante i lunghi periodi di detenzione.La giunta e il lavoro forzato. L’altra faccia del sogno thailandese. La povertà e la repressione hanno forzato tre milioni di cittadini birmani a migrare in Thailandia, dove sono forza lavoro economica e docile per l’economia locale. Il ruolo e la presenza del sindacato. (Puoi trovare il rapporto in fondo alla pagina in allegato) (Puoi scaricare il rapporto anche dal sito dell'ITUC) (10 Ottobre 2009) https://www.birmaniademocratica.org/ViewDocument.aspx?lang=it&catid=56918c97ba3b41ea98190afc3a2e8141&docid=98cbdc8b6810431986da6dd6ffc55ae9 Mon, 12 Oct 2009 21:47:21 GMT