07/09/2009
Birmania: il conflitto etnico continuerà – Articolo di Nehginpao Kipgen
Pubblichiamo l’articolo apparso
pochi giorni fa sul China Post (Taiwan) a firma di Nehginpao Kipgen, studioso
dei conflitti politici nella Birmania contemporanea e Segretario Generale del
Kuki International Forum, con base negli Stati Uniti.
Nell’articolo, l’autore analizza il
recente conflitto etnico di frontiera che vede la Giunta contro un gruppo armato a base etnica Kokang. Il conflitto ha costretto tra le 10.000 e le 30.000 persone a cercare
rifugio in Cina (UNHCR) facendo salire per la prima volta la tensione tra la
Birmania e il suo più potente alleato. Il gruppo armato, che aveva firmato il
cessate il fuoco con la Giunta, non è però disposto a trasformarsi in Border
Guard Force e chiede autonomia.
Se si è arrivati ad un richiamo ufficiale è
perché a Pechino si ha paura che l’instabilità arrivi nello Yunnan e perché la maggior parte degli sfollati è di etnia o cittadinanza cinese. Secondo Kipgen, tuttavia, il conflitto sul confine non cambierà la politica birmana di Pechino.
Gli ultimi sviluppi sono da leggere come il riacutizzarsi della questione etnica mai risolta nel Paese. Infine, in vista delle elezioni del 2010, la Giunta vuole reprimere ogni possibile opposizione. Se non ci sarà un deciso coinvolgimento della comunità
internazionale, Cina e Stati Uniti in testa, questi conflitti sono destinati a continuare.
Segue l'articolo in originale.
Burma - the Conflict Will
Continue
Without addressing the root
cause of the problems, the Burmese military junta is intensifying attacks
against its own citizens. The latest tension erupted between the Burmese army
and the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army (MNDAA), an ethnic Kokang
armed group.
The United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees estimated that 10,000
to 30,000 people have fled to China since the tension flared up on August
8, when the Burmese army raided the home of Peng Jiashen, the Kokang armed
leader, in northern Shan state.
The consequence of
confrontation between the two groups spills over the international border.
The affected country is none other than the military junta’s closest ally,
China, a country that maintains robust economic ties with Burma.
China hopes Burma “properly deal with its domestic
issue to safeguard the regional stability in the China-Myanmar border area,”
said the Chinese foreign ministry spokeswoman,
Jiang Yu, on August 28. The statement is unusual for China that usually defended Burma in the
face of international criticisms.
There are two important
concerns for the Beijing
government. First, the victims who have fled to the Yunnan
province are mostly ethnic Chinese origin or Chinese nationals; second, Beijing sees skirmishes along the border are threatening
the harmony and stability of Yunnan
province.
The statement, however, should
not be taken as a change of China’s
foreign policy toward Burma.
Beijing will
continue to maintain its bilateral relationship with Naypyidaw intact. The
Burmese military junta is also unlikely to part ways with communist China because
of such border skirmishes.
The MNDAA, which demands autonomy, rejected the military junta’s
proposal to transform its armed cadres to Border Guard Force. The proposal has been
rejected by many other ceasefire groups, and the issue becomes a political
headache for the Burmese military junta.
The
latest development is a consequence of the unresolved longstanding
ethno-political conflicts in the Union of Burma. The nature of conflict is an
evidence of the existence of two different sets of movement in Burma:
democracy and democracy that guarantees the rights of ethnic
minorities.
The Union of Burma had gained
independence from the British in 1948, but its ethno-political problems have
not been settled. Though more than a dozen armed groups have signed ceasefire
agreements with the junta, the simmering tensions still linger.
Ethnic problems
in Burma
had started long before independence. The mistrust exacerbated when the
spirit of Panglong agreement was not honoured. One fundamental principle
of the agreement was to establish a federal government.
With the assassination of Aung San, who headed negotiation for Burma’s
independence from the British, the dream of establishing a federal society
was shattered.
The latest tension is a
consequence of the military’s attempt to silence the voice of opposition in
the run up to the 2010 general election. Unless the
military junta can persuade the different ceasefire groups to its own terms, it
is likely that similar confrontations will occur.
Despite international
criticisms, the Burmese military junta is determined to move forward with the
2010 general election. Under the guidelines of the 2008 constitution, it is
by and large a forgone conclusion that the military will stay onto power
after election.
Burma
will see a transitional government with a military-dominated multi-party
democracy. The military junta’s official name ‘State Peace and Development
Council’ will either be abolished or renamed.
If the United States of America
and the Peoples’ Republic of China can lead a coordinated international
strategy, there still is a chance for the success of international
community’s engagement. Otherwise, one thing is clear that
the ethno-political conflicts in Burma will continue to remain in
post 2010 election.
Nehginpao Kipgen is a researcher
on the rise of political conflicts in modern Burma
(1947-2004) and general secretary of the US-based Kuki International
Forum.
(7 Settembre 2009)